Nearly nineteen months after the genocidal violence that rocked the western Indian state of Gujarat, searing questions that the tragedies have raised related to justice and rehabilitation, remain completely unanswered. Specifically, issues of state accountability after mass violence, independent policing and adequate reparation remain to be addressed by the judiciary.

Post-Independence India has had its shocking share of mass violence, driven not just by community but equally by caste during which the archaic Code of Criminal Procedure, penned by colonial masters, has proved itself unequal to the task. Often official or other commissions of inquiry have examined these lapses and made recommendations. One common feature of these has been is that the political class, whatever its ideological hue, has simply not bothered to publicly debate or implement these recommendations. The Indian judiciary, at all levels, has restrained itself to minimal intervention in the matters of social justice and violence.

What happened after the pogrom in Gujarat 2002? Nothing different from the past. Senior jurists and others sat in a Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal and recommended the establishment of a Statutory National Crimes Tribunal that must evolve its own jurisprudence, drawn from the International Law on genocide¹ and, further urged quick reforms in the Indian Police Force. Drastic reforms in the Indian police system, including guaranteeing its independence and ensuring representation and diversity, had been recommended as far back as 1981 by the official National Police Commission.² The work of the Concerned Citizens Tribunal that lasted several months, with no assistance from any official quarter, is available in a two-volume report published from Mumbai.³

Today, judicial matters related to the pogrom in Gujarat have been brought at the centre-stage of judicial scrutiny through two pivotal cases, currently being heard by the Supreme Court. The fact that this has happened at all is due, in large measure, to the initiatives taken by the statutory National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), backed by Citizens for Justice and Peace that has mandated itself the responsibility to continue the struggle for justice and reparation for the survivors of tragedy, .since the justice process in the state was systematically de-railed. ⁴

Efforts are alive through these judicial interventions to move the criminal trials of the worst carnages outside the state of Gujarat.⁵ This argument for turning over both the investigation and conduct of the criminal inquiries to an area outside the jurisdiction of Gujarat is because the Chief Minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, and the state administration under him, has been made respondent since the carnage last year, both by the NHRC (April 2003) as well as by public interest litigations filed in the Supreme Court in April 2003.⁶ If these had been heard judiciously and promptly by the apex court, when it had been first approached last year, concerns related to extremely explosive and communalised state of affairs in the state of Gujarat would have been rectified and more promptly addressed.

Unfortunately, judicial record in dealing with such mass community-driven carnages remains pathetic. Sikh widow-survivors of the 1984 pogrom against their community in the country’s capital (that followed the assassination of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguard)⁷struggle for justice which even after nineteen years remain fruitless. Similarly, Muslim women-survivors of 53 young men shot dead in cold blood in Meerut-Hashumpura in western Uttar Pradesh in 1989,⁸ are still waiting for justice. The recent conviction of Dara Singh and associates for the burning alive of Christian pastor Grahamn Staines and his two sons in January 1999, is a rare case of a sessions court punishing those guilty of communally driven crimes, whereas most criminals are still at large Then how can peace and reconciliation be brought about?
What actually happened in Gujarat? It is pertinent to quote from the editorial of Communalism Combat’s special issue on the Gujarat carnage, Genocide Gujarat, 2002:

‘The torching of bogey S-6 of the Ahmedabad-bound Sabarmati Express at Godhra on February 27, 2002 in which 58 passengers, including 26 women and 12 children, were burnt to death, is an unpardonable act. The perpetrators of this grossly inhuman crime must be tried swiftly and given the most stringent punishment. But, for the burned corpses of the ill-fated passengers to become the justification for armed squads of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ‘brother’ organisations-Rashtiya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal (BD) – to launch a pogrom that sits well with what the UN defines as genocide against the innocent Muslims of Gujarat.

‘Twenty-four hours after the Godhra tragedy, 58 bodies were brought to the Sola Civil Hospital for the arthi, vengeful slogans were raised. Thereafter, from February 28 to March 6, the raging fires of hatred and venom consumed 16 of Gujarat’s 24 districts. ‘

(As of today there are no pointers as to who committed this crime, while some indicators do exist that it may have been a tragic accident. Moreover , the clever manipulation of the incident at Godhra by the leadership of the Hindu right wing at different levels, including no less a person than the Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani, as a stick to beat India’s largest religious minority with, is disgusting. Until 7 p.m. on the fateful day of the mass burning at Godhra that led to a cycle of the worst and most unspeakable violence in 19 of Gujarat’s 24 districts through 72 hours of organised sexual violence, killing, loot and destruction, official versions called the incident an accident. The PM’s speech at 2 p.m. in the Indian Parliament too echoed this version. Mysteriously after 7 p.m. that day, Gujarat’s Chief Minister Narendra Modi termed it an act of traitorous Muslims and the ISI. Godhra’s Ghanchi Muslims who’s track record in social harmony is not envious and who had gathered in a large number after kar sevaks behaved in an unruly and provocative fashion at the station at Godhra that morning, joined the ranks of the traitorous lot who had dared attack the far-from-peaceful pilgrims returning from the political project of building a Ram Temple at Ayodhya.⁹)

‘Even during the unspeakable horrors that communities inflicted on each other in 1946 and 1947, all organs of the state had not been directly involved in stoking the fires. Not so in Gujarat in 2002. The chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, called the targetted attacks in 16 of Gujarat’s 24 districts, a ‘natural reaction’. Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee obserbed: ‘If there was no Godhra, there would have been no Gujarat’, at the meeting of the national executive of his party in Goa in mid-April. Both the chief minister and the prime minister have exposed themselves to the charge of complicity in ‘crimes against humanity. ‘

The BJP, the RSS, VHP and BD combine in Gujarat had laid their grounds well. Both Modi, and his predecessor, Keshubhai Patel, had systematically created, through inflammatory hate propaganda and school textbooks, an atmosphere of communal frenzy to facilitate such a pogrom. They had their men in key jobs to prevent any hindrance to their plan. They used threat and intimidation to silence those who could speak. They trained their cadres in the ‘art of killing’.

Dead bodies were either burnt or so badly mutilated that they could not be recognised. Eyewitnesses and victims, survivors and observers, put the crowds who terrorised them at not less than 2,000 and even in far-flung villages they were close to 10-15,000-strong mobs who were armed with deadly agricultural implements and guns. A few in the crowd even carried mobile phones..

Rape was used as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of the Muslim community. A chilling and hitherto absent technique was the deliberate destruction of evidence -- barring a few cases, women who were gang-raped were, thereafter, hacked and burned. ‘

Many ministers in the Gujarat cabinet are members of the RSS, VHP and BD. It is, therefore, not surprising that survivors have named many key leaders of these outfits, even cabinet ministers, as mob leaders. Chief Minister Modi and his mobs have brazenly flaunted the CrPC, the Arms Act and the Indian Constitution. If they are allowed to go scot-free, the very future of Indian democracy will be in peril.

Violence still continues in Gujarat. The police shot dead two persons on April 16; another met a similar fate on April 18. Twelve and 13-year-old girls were terrorised by mobs as they appeared for their eighth and ninth standard examinations. Gujarat has thrown an unprecedented challenge for all individuals and groups working for the restitution of sanity, humane principles, representative democracy and the rule of law in this country. Do we have it in us to challenge the fascist onslaught on the Indian Constitution?’

It was the incident of the mass burning of 58 passengers on board the Sabarmati Express returning from the temple town of Ayodhya that was used to justify the mass crimes committed in the state-wide carnage that took no less than 2, 500 lives and economically and culturally crippled the Muslim minority. (Preliminary economic loss to the community was estimated at no less than Rs 4,000 crores and this does not include irreparable damage to homes and agricultural land that have been seized as Muslims have fled villages where they were a small minority).

The reason that the well-tested term genocide was used by us¹⁰ and later the CCT to apply to what happened in Gujarat was because evidence shows that they were crimes committed against humanity in Gujarat ---brutal sexual violence was used against at least 200-300 Muslim women and no less that 270 mosques and shrines were also desecrated and then destroyed. The calculated and state-sponsored attempts to attack the dignity of the minority Muslim community was evident. Article 2 c) of the UN Convention on Genocide clearly reads: ‘Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part’. Therefore, the fact that every single Muslim was not forced to flee for threat of slaughter (sic) is not an argument that nullifies the definition of the mass crimes as genocide. Attempts were made, both by the Gujarat chief minister and also his close supporters among the existing BJP leadership in New Delhi, to scoff at the use of this term.

The struggle to bring culprits, involved in the Gujarat genocide, to justice has narrowed down today. The system we are battling with forces us to pick and choose even in our struggle for justice. The impact of what happened in Gujarat has died in public memory; worse, our efforts are today confined to get justice for only the victim’s survivors of the worst incidents where over a dozen persons were butchered.

What of the innocent victims, many minors who were shot dead by an unaccountable police? What of the girls and women who were killed after brutal sexual violence? What of some of whom survived and have been forced back to live in the same villages where the crimes were committed?¹¹

What of the 10,000 homes that were destroyed so thoroughly that the pathetic Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 40,000 paid in compensation to only few is barely enough to pick up the threads and start living again? What about the reparation for the businesses destroyed and the agricultural lands seized?

No less than 1,16,000 Muslims became internal refugees, thrown out of home and hearth and living in relief camps for over seven months last year. During this period, the state of Gujarat refused to give them food, water and medicines, despite its constitutional obligation that it bears the cost of this internal displacement. Again, it took legal interventions in the Gujarat High Court - two writ petitions supported by CJP which included flying down a senior lawyer from Mumbai since the atmosphere was so communally charged in the state that few wanted to appear in defence of the victimes from the minority community ¹². As a result of this legal intervention, Rs. 10 crores had to be paid from state government coffers to the relief camp organisers.

The violence in Gujarat in 2002 was preceded by the systematic distribution of material for some months, some anonymous, that systematically spewed hatred and venom against the Muslim minority in the state. Even during the outbreaks of violence, thousands of these pamphlets could be found - some advocated systematic economic boycott of Muslims and even printed an address of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s office at the bottom,¹³ others that were even more graphic and vicious advocated mutilation and rape.¹⁴

The systematic use of inflammatory speech and writing has been a crucial part of the politics of communalism in India, especially since the mid-1980s when the movement of the construction of a Ram temple at Ayodhya began in place of the Babri mosque. This period saw the sharp rise of communal forces from both within the Hindu majority and the Muslim minority. The opening of the locks of the Babri Masjid in 1986 was preceded by Parliament’s enactment of a law that excluded rightful maintenance rights to Muslim women, a demand made by the patriarchal and communal Muslim male leadership. The cleverly constructed movement to ‘construct’ a Ram temple at Ayodhya was in fact (and remains to date as again October 17, 2003 is a deadline set by Hindu fanatic groups to begin construction of the temple with utter disregard for the law) always to destroy a mosque and thereby teach a much deserved lesson to the Muslim minority. Brute violence was an integral part of this movement led and inspired by no less a person than India’s deputy prime minister, L.K. Advani, when he began his rath yatra from Somnath, Gujarat, in 1990. His close aide and organiser of the procession was none other than Narendra Modi, Gujarat’s present chief minister and ‘the chief architect of the state sponsored genocide’.¹⁵

Many of these questions come to mind even as we contest for justice in the Supreme Court. This struggle took a sharp turn in July this year after a Vadodara-based fast track court acquitted all accused in the BEST Bakery case on June 27, 2003. This incident was related to the brutal massacre of 14 Muslims on the night of March 1, 2002 and could be highlighted due to the singular courage of an eye-witness and survivor, Zahira Shaikh, who testified to official and other forums on what she had seen. When the case came for hearing in the court in May 2003, facing threat and intimidation, this key witness turned hostile. Despite the fact that 37 key witnesses turned hostile under duress, the public prosecutor did nothing to either find the reasons for their reversal, nor did the police intervene. The prosecutor in fact did not conduct himself as representative of a state that (by its constitutional mandate) desires to prosecute those guilty of such mass crimes but in fact behaved as if he was in league with the accused.

I had personally covered the Gujarat carnage and was working as secretary to CJP in supporting the struggle for justice. Since May 2003 when I read about Zahira turning hostile I could not believe that she could have gone back on what she had seen and so courageously testified to. I was in touch with the family and fortunate enough to inspire faith in her to overcome her fear.

On July 7, 2003 at a press conference in Mumbai, she said: 'I was threatened with my life before and in the Court'. Her courage and strength to stand up for what she believed was right, her quest for justice shook the country as a whole. Soon after, she testified before the NHRC on July 11, 2003 following which the legal battles started. The NHRC had, since May 2003 itself called the sessions court judgement acquitting the accused ‘a miscarriage of justice’ and even re-visited the state.
Soon after the press conference, I wrote this piece for Mid-Day, Mumbai:

'I first met Zahira on March 9 last year, then again on March 22 when she deposed before Justice JS Verma of the NHRC and then on May 11, 2002 when she voiced helplessness before the Concerned Citizens Tribunal. Her voice trembling with the emotions of that fateful night when she witnessed her own sister, Sabira , burnt alive and her maternal uncle, Kausar Ali cut to pieces before he was consigned to the flames, but she did not waver in the details of what she had seen. A total of 14 persons were hacked and burnt that night in an attack that lasted 12 hours. She wanted justice. She went to every forum in the city of Vadodara and other places in the country to seek it, but finally on May 17, 2003, during her one hour long testimony before the additional sessions judge, she retracted some of what she had seen. The first thought that crossed my mind when I read of her retraction was her disappointment with the process of justice in a country that we call the world’s largest democracy.’

‘In the weeks before her testimony, her older brother had been summoned and had deposed before the court that the whole family was facing severe threats and intimidation. The state public prosecutor in the BEST Bakery carnage, did not meet or brief her even once. The proceedings of the trial court that day, packed to the hilt with the accused and others of the mob who had attacked this sole Muslim enterprise in the Hanuman Tekri area, was hostile and intimidating. Direct threats were meted out to her even within the precincts of the courtroom and nothing in the behaviour of the judge or the public prosecutor was conducive for her to repeat her testimony. She denied knowledge of the accused and three days later went away to her home village in far away Uttar Pradesh.

Today, when she told the country at a press conference in Mumbai, organised by the Citizens for Justice and Peace, that she wants to demand a re-trial, and has faith in any court outside Gujarat, natural questions about her fearless testimony over seven months and her inexplicable (to some) retraction in a court of law do get raised. When, however, a key witness to a carnage that not only claimed 14 innocent lives but show-cased the Vadodara police and state administration for partisan behaviour and criminal negligence, comes back before the public to demand a re-trial on grounds of intimidation, where ought the real questions lie? Can there ever be justice without rehabilitation? Can there be reconciliation without justice? Are agents of the state, be they public prosecutors or any other, beyond the pale of the Indian Constitution?’

Three months later, Hindu victim survivors who lost their family members in the burning of the S-6 Sabarmati Express Coach bravely sought the aid and support of the Citizens for Justice and Peace in Mumbai and demanded that they too be given justice. Things seem to have turned a full circle and there appears a stunned response to the cry for help from these Hindu victims because they have pleaded before the country that they should not be used as pawns in the politics of hatred and violence.

There could be no better way to end this piece than with an excerpt from Dr Girishbhai Rawal, an 82 year old man, whose wife, Sudhabehn, was one of the 58 burnt alive last year. He has courageously filed an affidavit before the Supreme Court of India along with four others demanding also that the Godhra investigation be transferred out of Gujarat. Coming from them, the plea that many human rights groups have been making to shift investigation and trial of key massacres out of the state, gets the ultimate stamp of legitimacy. In the polarised society that we live in, innocent Muslims being mercilessly booked under POTA for alleged (but unproven) involvement in the mass burning. The fact that the realtives of over 60 allegedly innocent persons jailed for the Godhra crime have not even seen them for over a year is a violation of the basic principles of justice and law. Yet it happens and continues to happen even as mass and unaccounted arrests under this newly enacted anti-terrorism law continue.

The latest twist in the struggle for justice in Gujarat is the plea from Hindu victims of the mass burning that this investigation be moved outside Gujarat. Dr Rawal’s affidavit filed in the Supreme Court¹⁶ reads:

‘My wife, Smt Sudhabehn Girishbhai Rawal, aged 76 years, was burnt alive in the hapless mass burning of 59 persons in the S-6 Coach of the Sabarmati Express on February 27, 2002. She was a senior social worker working with the Khoja Council of the Agha Khan Foundation. She went on the infamous yatra to Ayodhya on the understanding of community leaders and women from Janatanagar, especially Neetabehn Panchal of the Durga Vahini, that this would be a religious pilgrimage.

1. I say and submit that the Ayodhya yatra was arranged entirely by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as is borne out by the following : a) the two-way railway fare was to be borne by the VHP, including the staying arrangements at Ayodhya; b) Ram Sevaks were to offer yagna; c) Names were enrolled and detailed forms were filled for each Ram Sevak. (One photo-copy was affixed on forms of each Ram Sevak and a copy was given as identification badge and this was burnt also)

2. I say and submit that the moral, physical safety of the Ram Sevaks fell upon on the organisers, the VHP which they did not fulfil. The Gujarat government owed every citizen, irrespective of caste, creed or community, due protection during this yatra. The atmosphere in the country and especially in Gujarat was communally charged at the time and continues that way even now and the failure of the Gujarat police to provide security and protection to the Ram Sevaks and its failure in intelligence to anticipate trouble at Godhra has cost us the innocent lives of our dear family members. I annexe press clippings where the SP Godhra is quoted as saying that he had no idea that the Ram Sevaks were returning the day they were!

3. I say and submit that since the VHP were organisers of the yatra, it was beyond doubt the duty of the VHP to instruct young Ram Sevaks to observe calmness and refrain from exciting and creating clashes between communities. It is clearly evident from many testimonies and reports about the Godhra tragedy, that many kar sevaks behaved in an indecent manner and were shouting provocative slogans against residents of Signal Falia. If, as Praveen Bhai Togadia of the VHP keeps saying, terrorism exists in many of India’s border areas, all the more reason for the VHP to tell the Ram Sevaks to observe restrain and not to use abusive and provocative language, or wield lathis (sticks) and other weapons.

4. While the Gujarat government has failed in its responsibility to promptly protect human lives irrespective of caste, creed and community, the Godhra tragedy was used politically to spread violence in rest of Gujarat. Today both the victims of the Godhra tragedy and the many tragedies and massacres that followed are without justice. I humbly state and submit that in my mind, the VHP, the BJP, the Gujarat government and the Railways are responsible for the loss of innocent lives and for the barbaric violence not just in Godhra but also in Naroda, BEST Bakery, Gulberg society and many other places all over Gujarat. This violence has brought shame to the peaceful state of Gujarat and even now things are far from normal.

5. I saw and submit that my dear wife who is now lost to me was working fulltime with the Khoja Council and at the time when her burnt body was brought to my home, Shehnazbehn of that organisation was staying at my house and she cried when she saw my wife’s remains. We believe in the great Indian tradition of equal love and respect for all which Hinduism preaches. The VHP does not preach real Hinduism.

6. I say and submit that I also lost my son Ashwin Girishbhai Rawal, (42 years) in an incident of stabbing at Ramol, where the FIR lodged by the local inspector declared that a mob of 1500-2000 of anti-social elements had gathered for the attack. This incident took place on April 16, 2002.

7. I would like to narrate the facts and circumstances surrounding the death of my son, Ashwinbhai Rawal, through stabbing on April 16, 2002. He was aged 42 and a member of the VHP and local chief of the Bajrang Dal (President Janatanagar) for the past four years. As his father, I say with regret that just like any terrorist, who had become biased by propaganda, my son had also been turned in heart and mind by the vicious VHP propaganda and had been influenced by their activities.

8. Twelve days before his death, on April 4, 2002, I had, through a fax to DGP Gujarat, urged that our area (Ramol) and Jantanagar society in particular should be declared a disturbed area as per the law enacted by the Gujarat Government in 1991, and, in view of the acute communal tension prevailing, special safety and security measures needed to be taken so that no further precious lives are lost. Despite this prior intimation, which arose out of the fact that I had suffered through the miserable loss of my wife’s life, the DGP ignored it and two people, including my son died that day.

9. My son, an active worker of the VHP and Bajrang Dal and a card holder of BJP and one other Pratapbhai Barot were assaulted on 16 April 2002 and murdered on 500 metre outside our society. The FIR lodged by the police states that a mob of 1500 to 2000 anti-social persons were responsible for the murder. The neglect of police officers who were patrolling in police jeeps from morning right until the evening is palpable. They did nothing to disperse the large and suspicious crowd gathered there with weapons.

10. A couple of days after the murder, I received a letter from the police commissioner’s office dated 23rd April 2002 stating point blank that no police chowky ( check-point) would be located on that sensitive spot just outside our society despite such a tragedy having taken place. The police in Gujarat is clearly not interested in either protecting the lives of citizens, nor in heeding their warning when they make them. My grand-daughter who is 18 years old (Khushboo Rawal) had personally written a letter to the commissioner of police and state home minister urging a police chowky but to no avail.

11. After 19 months of loss, I say and submit that I feel that my entire family and I, as also other victims of the Godhra tragedy, have been made sacrificial goats by the VHP in their political game. I say this because my wife participated in the yatra spontaneously thinking it was a religious event. In her life and mine we did not share the communal sentiments that are part and parcel of the VHP/BJP’s politics. Since this tragedy of the Godhra incident, our family members have been used by the VHP and the BJP to amass crores of rupees, here and abroad and also win the last elections. Worst still, they were used for justifying the murders at Naroda and BEST Bakery. Fifty-nine people burnt in Godhra and 2500 people massacred all over Gujarat! Who has done all these things and who has benefited from them? On many occasions the VHP and BJP have held functions with big names from the NRI world and collected large sums of money while they made us sit on the dias as scapegoats. Where has this money gone and what has it been used for?

12. The Honourable Supreme Court should investigate the collection of funds and what they are used for by the VHP and BJP. Cassettes and CDEs were made, T-shirts were distributed, all around the deaths of 59 persons by burning in the S6 coach in the Sabarmati Express. But those forces that are capitalising on this tragedy have no concern for the poor and innocent lives lost, they are interested in their own politics and are again trying to begin one more yatra. As victims of Godhra burning, and personally as a father who has suffered his son’s joining the VHP and becoming a victim of their hate propaganda by absorbing it in his heart and mind, I earnestly feel that all such yatras like the Ayodhya yatra which is political and not religious, which causes and uses violence, should be banned. The Central government will not do it so it is up to the Honourable Supreme Court to take this historic step.

13. The investigation into the causes and fallout of the Godhra tragedy too are being suppressed by the current BJP establishment. The kind of threats and intimidation that are used to avoid fair testimony in Courts and before the Nanavaty-Shah Commission, and the fact that no real impartial truth has come out so far suggests clearly that unless the Honourable Supreme Court takes a direct and personal interest in the Godhra and other investigations, justice will not be done. The police is completely under the sway of the BJP and VHP politics in the State and, therefore, we urge you to respond to our appeal in the matter. Even courts in Gujarat cannot function free of the communally charged atmosphere which the establishment is doing nothing to diffuse. In fact statements of senior functionaries of the state and the centre further aggravate the situation and police atrocities against innocent minorities continue.

14. As one of the victim survivor’s family of the Godhra tragedy, both my daughter-in-law and I have been denied of fair and proper compensation. Initially the Gujarat government announced that victims of the Godhra tragedy would be given Rs. 2 lakhs each for the lives lost. Thereafter the Gujarat government reduced the amount to Rs. 1 lakh. I say and submit that a meeting that took place at my house at the above mentioned address, in presence of Godhra victims on March 1,2002 Praveen bhai Togadia in the presence of Gujarat minister, Haren Pathak said to us, ‘Aap pachas hazaar chod do’ (forgo Rs. 50,000) and assured us that VHP would give Rs 50,000. All sorts of other promises, to look after our education were also made but none have been kept. We have received Rs. 60,000 by cheque and Rs. 40,000 in the form of Narmada bonds, both from the Government which have a very low rate of interest and at this stage of my life is no use to me. On April 4, 2003 the Prime Minister announced an ex-gratia payment of Rs. 50,000 each to us which we have received. The Sankat Mocha Hanuman Trust on behalf of the VHP disbursed ad hoc amounts to Godhra victim families and I received Rs. 20,000.

15. Compensation and rehabilitation is not simply a matter of money and paying rupees 1 or 2 lakhs. Compensation means bringing the lives of our family back on track. Has this