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Islamisation of Curricula
A. H. Nayyar
 
It is quite reasonable to expect that Pakistan as a nation would do its best to impart a sense of belonging and even-handedness to all of its citizens. While demanding contributions from all, irrespective of caste, creed and faith, to its development and prosperity, it cannot afford to deny equal status and rights to all. Otherwise, the deprived ones are likely to develop a sense of alienation from the society.

Besides being multi-lingual and multi-ethnic, Pakistan is a multi-religious society. Non-Muslims are a sizeable part of the society, many of whom have contributed enormously to its well-being. Names like Dr. Abdul Salam, A. R. Cornelius, Dorab Patel, Sobho Gianchandani, Cecil Choudhry, Bapsi Sidhwa and many others are a source of pride for Pakistan.

Muslim majoritarianism has always existed in Pakistan on account of the population being overwhelmingly Muslim. Not surprisingly, therefore, the culture, the idioms and the manners of the majority gained currency and, in turn, got reflected in the educational process also. Muslim sensibilities got imposed onto the rest. However, the effort to mould the minds of the young through textbooks is a later phenomenon, having started in earnest since the early eighties with the political agenda of Islamisation of the state. Curricula were redesigned and textbooks were rewritten to create a monolithic image of Pakistan as an Islamic state and Pakistani citizens as Muslims only. This clearly tells young non-Muslim students that they are excluded from the national identity.

One could take this to be a result of the usual insensitivity of a majority towards the needs and aspirations of a minority, as would happen anywhere. Such a majoritarianism is not confined to the religious expression alone. It shows up in the national, linguistic and other expressions also. However, since the Muslim majoritarianism was not experienced in the curricula and textbooks in the pre-Islamisation period, it leads to the obvious conclusion that this has been a result of the process of Islamisation under Gen. Zia-ul-Haq.

The Muslim majoritarianism in Pakistan amounts to creating an environment for non-Muslims in which (1) they become second-rate citizens with lesser rights and privileges, (2) their patriotism becomes suspect, and (3) their contribution to the society is ignored. The result is that they can easily cease to have any stake in the society.

For orthodox Islamists, non-Muslims in an Islamic society that is governed by Islamic laws are dhimmis, liable to be levied protection money, jizyah. Absolved of any military duty, jihad, they are doomed to live in an environment of limited rights. This is the belief that seems to have been the reason for denying national identity to religious minorities in Pakistan. The educational process in the form of curricula and textbooks reinforces this denial.

The program of study that was designed under Islamisation was in keeping with the philosophy of education of one particular school of Islamic thought which asserts that the entire source of knowledge is what was revealed by Allah and that the worldly knowledge has to be in the context of the revealed knowledge. It has been argued by Syed Abul A'la Maudoodi, founder of Jama'at-i-Islami, that in an Islamic society all that is taught would be in the context of the revealed knowledge, therefore, every subject would become Islamiat. A direct outcome of this philosophy of education has been the following basic principle that recurs repeatedly in the Pakistani curriculum documents:

In the teaching material, no concept of separation between the worldly and the religious be given; rather all the material be presented from the Islamic point of view.1
Much of the educational material prepared during the Islamisation period was based on this principle, and it continues to guide the educational philosophy and practice even today.2

This paper deals specifically with three educational subjects-Social Studies /Pakistan Studies, Urdu and English, which students of all religions are required to learn. Islamiat is, of course, also compulsory, but for Muslim students alone.

Four themes emerge most strongly as constituting the bulk of the curricula and textbooks of the three compulsory subjects.
(A) that Pakistan is for Muslims alone;
(B) that Islamiat is to be forcibly taught to all the students, whatever their faith, including a compulsory reading of Qur'an;
(C) that Ideology of Pakistan is to be internalised as faith, and hate be created against Hindus and India;
(D) and students are to be urged to take the path of Jihad and Shahadat (martyrdom).

A. Pakistanis as Muslims Alone
The process of equating the Muslim and Pakistani identities starts in very early school education. For example, the most recent National Early Childhood Education (ECE) curriculum 3 released in March 2002 requires as an objective: To nurture in children a sense of Islamic identity and pride in being Pakistani.4
There is no mention that this is to be done among Muslim students alone. The suggested material under this objective is all Islamiat that is to be read by pupils of all religions. Or, the class IV students are required to:

Regard Pakistan as an Islamic state, and acquire deep love for it 5
For Class IV and V students, the Urdu curriculum requires that:
A feeling be created among students that they are the members of a Muslim nation. Therefore, in accordance with the Islamic tradition, they have to be truthful, honest, patriotic and life-sacrificing mujahids (janbaz mujahid) 6

Must believe that Pakistan came into being to safeguard Islamic beliefs and culture
Must know that the real basis for the strength of Pakistan is Islam7
To educate and train the future generations of Pakistan as a true practicing Muslim 8
[A child] knows that national culture is not the local culture or local customs, but that it means the culture the principles of which are laid down by Islam 9

The textbooks then pick up from this point and express these requirements as given in the following examples:
The class II Urdu book has a lesson on 'Our Country', the first sentences of which read:
Our country is Pakistan. We live in our country. Pakistan is an Islamic country. Here Muslims live. Muslims believe in the unity of Allah. They do good deeds. ..10

The Class 6 book says:
Who am I? I am a Muslim. I am a Pakistani. I love my country and I love my people. … You know that you are a Muslim and your religion is Islam.11
It conveys a very harmful message: being a Pakistani is equated with being a Muslim, and that only Muslims are true Pakistani citizens. Patriotism has been equated with Islamic zeal. The way it has been said clearly alienates religious minorities.


B. Compulsory Islamiat
The educational material attempts to teach Islamiat to all the students, irrespective of their faith, through the compulsory subjects of Social/Pakistan Studies, Urdu and English. Although non-Muslims are not required to take the fourth compulsory subject of Islamiat, there is an extraordinary incentive for them in the form of 25% additional marks for learning and taking examinations in Islamiat.

The curricula of all these subjects require every Pakistani, irrespective of his (her) faith, to love, respect, be proud of and practice Islamic principles, traditions, customs, rituals, etc., Both the curricula and textbooks are enlightening in this respect.
The National Early Childhood Education Curriculum (NECEC) would like to impart in the primary school children the following 'life skills':12

Use greetings such as Assalam-o-Alaikum
Know when to say 'Bismillah'
Recite the first Kalma and understand its meaning
Name the five daily prayers
Learn about Ramadhan and Eidain

The primary education curriculum of 1995 lays down the following objectives in the Urdu curriculum:
a) To create awareness of and love for Islamic beliefs, and to bring up children according to Islamic values.13
b) Be proud of Islamic way of life, and try to acquire and adopt Islamic teachings14
c) Should try to adopt principles of Islamic way of living15
d) To participate in Salat Ba-Jamat in mosques, to develop a feeling of respect for Muezzin and Imam16
e) Read Qur'an, and revere it17
f) Listen to the events from Islamic history and derive pleasure from them18

  • Should try to adopt principles of Islamic way of living
  • Respect for Islamic beliefs and practices
  • study religious books in order to understand Qur'anic teachings
  • respect Islamic or national customs and urge others to do the same
  • …. To love Islamic traditions
  • In the textbooks, such subjects be included in sufficient numbers that emphasis …, the importance and greatness of Islam
  • Arrange functions/ events on Islamic and national themes, and students be asked to memorise such poems, …, etc., that express national and Islamic sentiments

Urdu language curriculum even prescribes lessons. A small sample follows:19
Class IV
Suggestions on preparing textbooks

(3) Topics of books
(a) Events from the life of the Holy Prophet(pbuh), His family, and Islamic leaders
(Imams)
(b) Stories from the history of Islam
(c) True friendship (from the life of Hazrat Abu Bakr Siddique)
(j) …, Islamic preachers, …
(k) Famous women of Islam
(l) Golden quotes (sayings of the Muslim thinkers, religious scholars and spiritual leaders)


Class V
(3) Topics for lessons
(a) Events from the life of the Holy Prophet(pbuh), His family and Islamic leaders
(b) Stories of Imams and the Prophet's companions (sacrifice: from the life of Hazrat Usman)
(m) Stories about the Pakistan movement, eminent personalities of Pakistan, and martyrs of Pakistan
(m) Simple stories to urge for Jihad
(n) Unity of the Islamic world

It is worth noting that the most recent Urdu textbooks in Punjab and the Federal Area have religious (Islamic) contents in the following proportion:

Class I 20
Class II 21
Class II 22
Class III 23
Class IV 24
Class V 25
Class VI 26
Class VIII 27
Class VIII 28
Class IX-X 29
  4 out of 25 lessons
8 out of 33 lessons
22 out of 44 lessons
23 out of 51 lessons
10 out of 45 lessons
7 out of 34 lessons
14 out of 46 lessons
6 out of 53 lessons
15 out of 46 lessons
10 out of 68 lessons

Similarly, textbooks on Social Studies, another compulsory subject that starts from Class 3, all have at least 4 chapters on personalities, which are invariably Islamic and other religious personalities. Note the detail below:
Class III: Chapters on the prophets Adam, Abraham, Jesus and Mohammad (pbuh)30
Class III: Chapters on the prophets Adam, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Mohammad31
Class IV: Chapters on Prophet Mohammad (pbuh), Hazrat Abu Bakr, Hazrat Umar, and
Hazrat Khadija32
Class V: Hazrat Fatima (ra), Mohammad bin Qasim, Shah Waliullah33

Thus, all non-Muslim students in the mainstream educational system are forcibly taught Islamic religious studies. In fact, the most recent national curriculum document clearly vows:
To make the Qur'anic principles and Islamic practices as an integral part of curricula so that the message of the Holy Qur'an could be disseminated in the process of education as well as training. To educate and train the future generations of Pakistan as a true practicing Muslim who would be able to usher in the 21st century and the next millennium with courage, confidence, wisdom and tolerance34 and requires the following as objectives of teaching Urdu language35

To create love for religion and respect for personalities, the students must:
a. have belief in the Unity of God, and know that Allah is the creator of the universe.
b. regard Islamic ways as the best of all
c. have reverence for all the messengers of God, Prophet Mohammad (pbuh), His family members, His companions, the Imams and the leaders, and must try to know their teachings and adopt their ways
d. maintain affinity (love) with the Islamic world
e. respect the leaders, books, places of worship of other religions
f. be aware of the blessings of Jihad, and must create yearning for Jihad in his heart.
The curriculum thus shows itself to be grossly insensitive to the existence and need of non-Muslims among the students.

Compulsory Reading of Qur'an:
The second, and more disturbing part of this is to make the non-Muslim students read Qur'an, not in Islamiat which they are not required to learn, but in the compulsory subject of Urdu.

Urdu textbooks from Class I to III, which are compulsory for students of all faiths, contain lessons on learning to read Qur'an. Progressing from Class I where Arabic alphabets are introduced in a lesson titled Iqra, to the lesson entitled 'E'rab' on punctuations in Class II Urdu book, to the lessons in Class III Urdu book entitled 'Qur'an Parhna' (reading Qur'an), which has seven lessons (out of a total of 51) on learning to read Qur'an. The non-Muslim students must learn these lessons and prepare them for examinations also. Interestingly, Urdu curricula of these classes do not prescribe this. This clearly violates the rights of religious minorities.

The National Curriculum of March 2002 lays down the following as the first objective of teaching English:
2.5.1: 'To make the Qur'anic principles and Islamic practices as an integral part of curricula so that the message of the Holy Qur'an could be disseminated in the process of education as well as training. To educate and train the future generations of Pakistan as a true practicing Muslim ….' 36
The objective ostensibly follows the National Education policy, which describes it as a constitutional requirement.

Article 31(2) of the constitution says:

The state shall endeavour, as respects the Muslims of Pakistan, :
to make the teaching of the Holy Qur'an and Islamiat compulsory, to encourage and facilitate the learning of Arabic language …;


Cleary, the learning of Qur'an and Islamiat is compulsory for Muslims only, and making non-Muslims learn them by including them in compulsory subjects violates the rights of minorities assured in Article 36 of the Constitution of Pakistan, which says:

The State shall safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of minorities …”

If by this exercise, the curriculum designers thought that they were popularising Islam among non-Muslim students, they were sadly mistaken. The only thing they have been able to achieve is to the alienate non-Muslim population, at a grave cost to the national integration.

C. Assertion of the Ideology of Pakistan
Many scholars have forcefully argued with the help of historical record that the term Ideology of Pakistan is a construction that was non-existent at the time of the creation of Pakistan. Justice Munir has very clearly identified the first time when the phrase was coined. In his monograph From Jinnah to Zia he writes:

The Quaid-i-Azam never used the words 'Ideology of Pakistan' … For fifteen years after the establishment of Pakistan, the Ideology of Pakistan was not known to anybody until in 1962 a solitary member of the Jama'at-i-Islami used the words for the first time when the Political Parties Bill was being discussed. On this, Chaudhry Fazal Elahi rose form his seat and objected that the Ideology of Pakistan' shall have to be defined. The member who had proposed the original amendment replied that the 'Ideology of Pakistan was Islam', …

Thus the phrase 'Ideology of Pakistan' had no historical basis in the Pakistan movement. It was coined much later by those political forces which needed it to sanctify their particular brand of politics, especially by those who had earlier been against the creation of Pakistan. It is no wonder that the Jama'at-i-Islami and people akin to the politics of the Jama'at use this phrase extensively. Although it is a historical fact, as Justice Munir has noted, that the Quaid never uttered the words Ideology of Pakistan, yet the curriculum documents insist that the students be taught that the Ideology of Pakistan was enunciated by the Quaid.

i) To get acquainted with the Ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by Quaid-e-Azam37

Further, the same document requires from the textbook writers:
The chapter should present the Ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by Quaid-i-Azam and should include relevant documented references.

Needless to say that no textbook has ever been able to cite a single reference to Jinnah using the term Ideology of Pakistan. On the contrary, the speech of Mr. Jinnah to the Constituent Assembly on the 11th of September, 1947, is completely contrary to the so-called 'Ideology of Pakistan' as it is presented.
It was during the Islamisation era of General Zia-ul-Haq that the use of the term was consolidated and made to appear in every nook and corner of the educational material. In the present day curriculum documents, it has been sanctified and turned into an article of faith, as shown by the sample of quotations from curriculum documents below:

The Ideology of Pakistan be presented as an accepted reality, and should never be made controversial and debatable.38

Attempt is made to make the curriculum more representative and responsive to the Ideology of Pakistan and societal needs 39… so that the Ideology of Pakistan could permeate the thinking of young generation 40… Demonstrate an appreciation of the Ideology of Pakistan 41
Care be taken in the composition and editing of the essays that there ought to come out an angle of propagation of Islam and the Ideology of Pakistan. 42

For speeches, writings and discussions, such topics be chosen that represent positive thinking about Islam and Pakistan, and those topics be avoided that negate or denigrate Islamic values and the Ideology of Pakistan. 43

Teachers must thoroughly study the Ideology of Pakistan ..44

Understand Islam and Ideology of Pakistan, and feel them deep in heart45

Essays creating deep love for Islam and Ideology of Pakistan46

To develop a sense of love for the Ideology of Pakistan47

Enhance a sense of respect for cooperation and preservation of the Ideology of Pakistan...48

Cognitive objective: Knowledge of the Ideology of Pakistan49

To create sentiments for the protection of the Ideology of Pakistan, love for the country...50

Be able to propagate the important values and traditions of Islam … and adopt national values in accordance with the Ideology of Pakistan;51

To create sentiments for love of the country, safeguarding the Ideology of Pakistan, …;52

deepening the awareness of the Ideology of Pakistan;53

enable the students to become responsible, confident and patriotic towards the Ideology of Pakistan;54

To explain Ideology of Pakistan; meaning and nature of Ideology of Pakistan. To demonstrate the faith in Ideology of Pakistan;55

While writing the textbooks, material contrary to the Ideology of Pakistan which may injure the feelings of different sects, or which may create hatred against any Muslim leading personality may be avoided.56

The only illegitimate beneficiary of this exercise have been the orthodox Islamic political forces.

It is to be granted that any political force has a right to define the future of the country as suits its political ideology. In this respect, the religious political ideologues are quite in their right to claim that 'Ideology of Pakistan' should be the basis of all the policies of the country. What, however, is completely unjustified is to present it as a historical truth, distorting history for this purpose. The problem with the Ideology of Pakistan is not just that it is historically untrue. An emphasis on it gives a message to non-Muslim Pakistanis that Pakistan is only for Muslims and that they do not have a place in it.

Hate Material
Associated with the insistence on the 'Ideology of Pakistan' has been an essential component of hate against India and the Hindus.
For the upholders of the Ideology of Pakistan, the existence of Pakistan is defined only in relation to Hindus, and hence the Hindus have to be painted as black as possible.

That the pathological hate against Hindus is only because of adopting the so-called Ideology of Pakistan is borne out by the fact that the pre-Ideology textbooks of Pakistan did not contain this hatred. Although a lot of animosity towards Hindus should have shown up in the new-born Pakistan because of the bloody riots of the partition, the early textbooks in Pakistan, mostly written after the partition, were free of the pathological hate that we see in textbooks today. A few examples prove this point.

1. The early history books contained chapters on not only the oldest civilisations of Moen jo Daro, Harappa, Taxila, etc., but also the early Hindu mythologies of Ramayana and Mahabharata and extensively covered, often with admiration, the great Hindu kingdoms of the Mauryas and the Guptas.
2. The books indeed showed biases when discussing the more recent history of the politics of independence, but still one found school textbooks with chapters on Mr. M. K. Gandhi, using words of respect for him and admiring him for his qualities.
3. Even in the somewhat biased history of politics of independence, the creation of Pakistan was reasoned on the intransigence of the All India Congress and its leadership towards accommodating the Muslim League rather than on 'Hindu machinations'.
4. Some books also clearly mentioned that the most prominent Islamic religious leaders were all bitterly opposed to the creation of Pakistan.

Such was the enlightened teaching of history for the first twenty five years of Pakistan even though two wars were fought against India in this period. The print and electronic media often indulged in anti-Hindu propaganda, but the educational material was by and large free of hate against Hindus.

Then came the time of replacing Indo-Pakistan History and Geography with Pakistan Studies, and defining Pakistan as an Islamic state. The history of Pakistan became equivalent to the history of Muslims in the subcontinent. Students were deprived of learning about pre-Islamic history of their region. It started with the Arab conquest of Sindh and swiftly jumped to the Muslim conquerors from Central Asia. Simultaneously, there started a trend in the seventies of stressing upon the so-called Ideology of Pakistan. This involved creating an ideological straitjacket in which history of Pakistan, especially that of the Pakistan movement was to be re-written with an utter disregard for the truth. Pakistan was told to have been obtained to establish a truly Islamic state in accordance with the tenets of Quran and Sunnah. The Ulema who had bitterly opposed the creation of Pakistan were, therefore, turned into heroes of Pakistan movement. The Quaid-i-Azam was turned into a pious practicing Muslim. And hate and denigration was created for Hindus. A few examples of the expression of this hate in some recent curriculum documents and textbooks are given below.

Curriculum documents ask the following as the specific learning objectives:


[The child should be able to] understand the Hindu and Muslim differences and the resultant need for Pakistan;57

Develop understanding of the Hindu Muslim differences and need for Pakistan;58

Hindu-Muslim differences in culture, .. India's evil designs against Pakistan (the three wars with India);59

Identify the events in relation to Hindu-Muslim differences, which laid the foundations for Pakistan;60

The textbooks then respond in the following way to the above curriculum instructions:

Hindu has always been an enemy of Islam.61

The religion of the Hindus did not teach them good things -- Hindus did not respect women... 62

Hindus worship in temples which are very narrow and dark places, where they worship idols. Only one person can enter the temple at a time. In our mosques, on the other hand, all Muslims can say their prayers together. 63

'the social evils of the Hindus' 64
‘The Hindus lived in small and dark houses. Child marriage was common in those days. Women were assigned a low position in society. In case the husband of a woman died, she was burnt alive with his dead body. This was called 'sati'. … The killing of shudras was not punished, but the murder of a Brahman was a serious crime. … However, the people of low caste were not allowed to learn this language. The caste system had made their life miserable.’

Muslim children of India wear shalwar kameez or shirt and pajama and Hindu children wear Dhoti also.

Hindus thought that there was no country other than India, nor any people other than the Indians, nor did anyone else possess any knowledge.67 [This sentence, meant to denigrate Hindus, describes the response of the local people to Al Beruni's visit to India. It is obviously a concocted lie because of the fact that Alexander the Greek had come to this land many centuries earlier, that the rule of the Mauryas and the Guptas stretched to the lands from where Al Beruni had come, that the Arabs had conquered Sindh before Al Beruni's visit, that the Arab conquest was also aimed against the Ismailis who had settled in the area around Multan even earlier, and that the Arabic mathematics was deeply influenced by the Indian mathematics, etc., etc.]
Hindu pundits were jealous of Al Beruni. Since they could not compete against Al Beruni in knowledge, they started calling him a magician.68

[A story 'The Enemy Pilot', about a captured Indian pilot, presumably of Hindu faith] He had only been taught never to have pity on Muslims, to always bother the neighbouring Muslims, to weaken them to the extent that they forget about freedom, and that it was better to finish off the enemy. He remembered that the Hindus tried to please their Devi Kali by slaughtering innocent people of other faiths at her feet; that they regarded everybody else as untouchables. He knew that his country India had attacked Pakistan in the dead of the night to bleed Pakistani Muslims and to dominate the entire subcontinent.69

The Hindus who have always been opportunists cooperated with the English.70
The Hindus praised the British rule and its blessings in their speeches

The Hindus had the upper hand in the Congress and they established good relations with the British. This party tried its best to safeguard the interests of the Hindus. Gradually it became purely a Hindu organisation. Most of the Hindu leaders of the Congress were not prepared to tolerate the presence of the Muslims in the sub-continent. They demanded that the Muslims should either embrace Hinduism or leave the country.
The party was so close to the government that it would not let the Government do any work as would be of benefit to the Muslims. The partition of Bengal can be quoted as an example.71

…but Hindus very cunningly succeeded in making the British believe that the Muslims were solely responsible for the [1857] rebellion.72

In December 1885, an Englishman Mr. Humes … formed a political party named Indian National Congress, the purpose of which was to politically organise Hindus.73

Therefore in order to appease the Hindus and the Congress, the British announced political reforms. Muslims were not eligible to vote. Hindus voter never voted for a Muslim, therefore, …74
[A shear distortion, and a blatant lie that the Muslims were ineligible to vote]
The height of Hindu-Muslim amity was seen during the Khilafat Movement, but as soon as the movement was over, the anti-Muslim feelings among Hindus resurfaced.74

Nehru report exposed the Hindu mentality.76
The Quaid saw through the machinations of the Hindus.77

Hindus declared the Congress rule as the Hindu rule, and started to unleash terror on Muslims.78
At the behest of the government [during the Congress rule], Hindu 'goondas' started killing Muslims and burning their property.79

The Hindus always desired to crush the Muslims as a nation. Several attempts were made by the Hindus to erase the Muslim culture and civilisation. Hindi-Urdu controversy, shudhi and sanghtan movements are the most glaring examples of the ignoble Hindu mentality.80
The British, with the assistance of the Hindus, adopted a cruel policy of mass exodus against the Muslims to erase them as a nation;

The British adopted a policy of large scale massacre (mass extermination) against the Muslims;

The Muslim population of the Muslim minority provinces faced atrocities of the Hindu majority;

[The Muslims] were not allowed to profess their religion freely;

Hindu nationalism was being imposed upon Muslims and their culture;

All India Congress turned into a pure Hindu organisation;

While the Muslims provided all type of help to those wishing to leave Pakistan, the people of India committed cruelties against the Muslims (refugees). They would attack the buses, trucks, and trains carrying the Muslim refugees and they were murdered and looted.81

After the Cripps Missions, Congress raised the 'Quit India' slogan, which meant the British should leave, handing over the rule to Hindus.82

After the 1965 war, India conspired with the Hindus of Bengal and succeeded in spreading hate among the Bengalis about West Pakistan and finally attacked East Pakistan in December 71, thus causing the breakup of East and West Pakistan.83

One can no more be surprised to find irrational hate among Pakistani children after knowing what they learn in their schools.

D. Path of Jihad and Shahadat
The themes of Jihad and Shahadat clearly distinguish the pre- and post-1979 educational contents. There was no mention of these in the pre-Islamisation period curricula and textbooks, and the post-1979 curricula and textbooks openly eulogise Jihad and Shahadat and urge students to become mujahids and martyrs. Take the following examples;

Learning Outcome: Recognise the importance of Jihad in every sphere of life;84

Learning outcome: Must be aware of the blessings of Jihad;85

Must be aware of the blessings of Jihad, and must create yearning for Jihad in his heart;86

Concept: Jihad; Affective objective: Aspiration for Jihad;87

Love and aspiration for Jihad, Tableegh (Prosyletisation), Jihad, Shahadat (martyrdom), sacrifice, ghazi (the victor in holy wars), shaheed (martyr), …;88

Simple stories to urge for Jihad;89
Activity 4: To make speeches on Jihad and Shahadat;90

To make speeches on Jihad;91

Evaluation: To judge their spirits while making speeches on Jihad, Muslim History and Culture92

Concepts: Jihad, Amar bil Maroof and Nahi Anil Munkar93

Importance of Jihad94

Affective objective: Concepts of Ideology of Pakistan, Muslim Ummah and Jihad;95

Stories: eight lessons; Folk tales (mythical, moral, Islamic, travel and adventure, Jihad);...96

Conclusion
Among the radical reforms embarked upon by the military government of General Pervez Musharraf since taking over, education seems to have occupied a high priority. The Minister for Education, herself an acknowledged educationist and social worker, initiated an elaborate process of consultations and formulations in educational reforms, culminating in, among other things, a revision of curricula. The exercise of revision and re-writing of textbooks was reportedly spread over at least two years. However, as far as the problems discussed in this paper are concerned, things have remained absolutely unchanged, as is clear from the material cited above from the most recent curriculum documents and textbooks.
The process-chain in educational system has several key links. It starts from (1) educational policy and goes to (2) curriculum development to (3) textbooks production to (4) classroom teaching and to (5) examinations. It is not the intention here to elaborate on each step, but only to show how the malaise pointed out above gets accentuated through the steps. Needless to say, teachers occupy a pivotal place in the whole process-chain because it is they who exert the greatest influence on the captured young minds during the school hours. It is also some of them who write textbooks and set examination question papers. Some of them also rise through the system to end up in the curriculum development process. Thus ill-educated and badly trained teachers have the potential of sowing the seeds of disaster in the entire educational system. They also fall easy prey to narrow-minded ideology and use their special position to propagate it.

A perusal of education policies, including the latest Education Sector Reform of the year 2001, shows that they all look sound documents with noble ideals and ambitious goals, with just a statement or two in some place that the education should conform to the Islamic foundations of the state of Pakistan.

It is at the level of curriculum development that almost all of the problems cited above originate. The curriculum documents not only specify the learning objectives and outcomes, but also specify what the textbook contents ought to be, besides giving guidelines to textbooks authors and teachers. The Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education in fact has the additional authority to scrutinise the textbooks after these are written at the provincial textbook boards level and return them if they have deviated from the guidelines. More often than not, this happens for material with ideological overtones than anything that concerns pedagogical issues or accuracy of the material therein. This author once took a few English textbooks to an official of the Curriculum Wing who was supposed to be the subject specialist in English, trying to show him the abundance of grave grammatical errors in the books. To his amazement, he found the 'specialist' absolutely oblivious of the errors in language, and was proud to have sent back some books for rewriting for lack of some prescribed ideological contents.

Textbook writers on their part get the message and display the tendency to play safe. In order to secure the monetary benefits associated with authoring books, they often write ideological material in a colour and tone that is more than what is demanded by the curriculum guidelines. The problem gets greatly accentuated at this level. Textbook are authored and printed at the level of provincial textbook boards. A perusal of the list of authors over the years can easily lead to a suspicion of mafias having monopolised the authoring process and of a certain organised effort to keep the task to those who are more ideologically committed.

The classroom teacher can be regarded as very innocent if he or she just sticks to reproducing the printed material without adding his or her own prejudices or ill-conceived notions to it. But this does not always happen and the problems pointed out above get further accentuated at this level.

As a matter of rule in Pakistan, the classroom teaching is performed with an eye on the end-of-the-year examinations. Examination question papers over the years have invariably asked questions from the sections that have ideological overtones, forcing teachers and students to pay more attention to such material than any other. Moreover, teachers often tell students to answer such questions with a sufficient zeal to merit higher marks from the examiners. Thus a young mind is forced into articulating divisive ideologies and hate in an accentuated manner.

The Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education therefore occupies the central position in the process-chain. The material contrary to the national integration is emanating from there and from the provincial textbooks boards. These institutions require a radical cleaning up, if not complete abolition. A mere change of leadership will not serve the purpose because it has been repeatedly observed that the leaders are completely helpless before the already well-entrenched ideologically motivated officials.

(A. H. Nayyar is Professor at the Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad).


References

1. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 41.
2. The above statement exists in all the curriculum documents of March 2002.
3.
The National Early Childhood Education Curriculum was developed in early 2002 by the Curriculum Wing of the Government of Pakistan following instructions to this effect from the Education Sector Reform Action Plan, Itself released on January 1, 2002. ECE is the new name for what used to be called the Kachi Class I, the very first year of education, equivalent of kindergarten.
4.
National Early Childhood Education Curriculum (NECEC), (Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, March 2002) page 4
5. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K V, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1995) page 48
6. ibid, p 41
7. Urdu Curriculum (first and second language) for classes VI-VIII, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1986) p 14
8. National Curriculum English (Compulsory) for Class XI-XII, (March 2002) p 7
9. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995) p 52
10. Meri Kitab, for Class II, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, October 2001), p 36.
11. English Class 6, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 35 - 37
12. NECEC, pages 6 and 19
13. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995) pages 21, 27, 36, 42, etc
14. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), page 48
15. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 52
16. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 8
17. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), page 48
18. Curriculum Document, page 48
19. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 54 - 56
20. Urdu for Class I: Islamabad and the Federal territories,( Federal Ministry of Education, GOP, Islamabad)
21. Urdu for Class II: Islamabad and the Federal territories, (Federal Ministry of Education, GOP, Islamabad)
22. Urdu for Class II,( Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2001)
23.
Urdu for Class III, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002). Note that Seven of the 19 lessons teach learning to read Qur'an. Also, the idea of selling books of five subjects in one volume forces students of all religions to buy Qur'ani Qaeda. Also note that Qur'ani Qaeda is not a part of the prescribed curriculum.
24. Urdu for Class IV, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
25. Urdu for Class V, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
26. Urdu for Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
27. Urdu for Class VII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
28. Urdu for Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
29. Urdu for Class IX-X, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
30. Social Studies Class III for Rawalpindi District, Punjab Textbook Board
31. Social Studies Class III for Karachi, Sindh Textbook Board
32. Social Studies Class IV, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore)
33. Social Studies Class V, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002)
34. National Curriculum English (Compulsory) for Class XI-XII, (March 2002), p 7
35.
Urdu Curriculum (first and second language) for classes VI-VIII, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1986), p 13
36. National Curriculum English (Compulsory) for Classes XI-XII, (March 2002)
37.
Pakistan Studies Curriculum for Classes XI-XII, (National Curriculum Committee, National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Islamabad, 1986), p 3.
38.
Urdu Curriculum (First language) for Classes IV and V, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, March 2002), p 3
39. National Curriculum CIVICS for classes IX - X, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Wing, Islamabad, March 2002), p 4
40. National Curriculum CIVICS for classes XI - XII, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Wing, Islamabad, March 2002), p 3
41. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 140
42. Urdu Curriculum (First language) for Classes IV and V, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, March 2002), p 25
43. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 44
44. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 44
45. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 58
46. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 61
47. National Curriculum CIVICS for classes IX - X, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Wing, Islamabad, March 2002), p 14
48. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 43
49. Social Studies Curriculum for Classes VI - VIII, (National Curriculum Committee, National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Islamabad, 1984), p 7
50. Urdu Curriculum (first and second language) for classes VI-VIII, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1986), p 41
51. Urdu Curriculum (first and second language) for classes VI-VIII, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1986), p 29
52. Urdu Curriculum (Compulsory, optional and Easy course), Classes IX and X, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Islamabad, 1988), p 4
53. English Curriculum for Classes IX-X, (National Curriculum Committee, Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Islamabad, 1986), p 7
54. National Curriculum English (Compulsory) for Class XI-XII, (March 2002), p 9
55. National Curriculum CIVICS for classes IX - X, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Wing, Islamabad, March 2002), p 15
56. National Curriculum CIVICS for classes IX - X, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Wing, Islamabad, March 2002), p 20
57. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Classes K-V, Integrated and Subject Based, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1995), p 151
58. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 35
59. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 35
60. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002, p 35
61. Urdu Class V, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 108
62. Muasherati Ulum for Class IV, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, 1995), p 81
63. Muasherati Ulum for Class V, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, 1996), p 109
64. Social Studies Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002): p 59
65. Social Studies Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002): p 67
66. Social Studies Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore), p 79
67. Social Studies Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 82
68. Social Studies Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 82
69. Urdu Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 221
70. Social Studies Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002): p 141
71. Social Studies Class VI, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002:) p 143
72. Social Studies Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 90
73. Social Studies Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 94
74. Social Studies Class VIII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002), p 94-95
75. Social Studies, Class VIII (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore. March 2002), p 100
76. Social Studies, Class VIII ( Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore. March 2002), p 102
77. Social Studies Class-VII, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, ?, p 51
78. Social Studies, Class VIII ( Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore. March 2002, p 104
79. Social Studies, Class VIII ( Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore. March 2002, p 104-105
80. M. Ikram Rabbani and Monawar Ali Sayyid, An Introduction to Pakistan studies, (The Caravan Book House, Lahore, 1995), p 12
81. Ref 3, p 85
82. Social Studies, Class VIII, Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, March 2002, p 110
83. Social Studies (in Urdu) Class- V, (Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore), p 112
84. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 34
85. Urdu Curriculum (Compulsory, optional and Easy course), Classes IX and X, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Islamabad, 1988), p 8
86. Urdu Curriculum (first and second language) for classes VI-VIII, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1986), p 13
87. Social Studies Curriculum for Classes VI - VIII, (National Curriculum Committee, National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Islamabad, Year 1984), p 16
88. Social Studies Curriculum for Classes VI - VIII , (National Curriculum Committee, National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Islamabad, Year 1984), p 21
89. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 56
90. Curriculum Document, Primary Education, Class K-V, (1995), p 154
91. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 33
92. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 35
93. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 34
94. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 34
95. National Curriculum, Social Studies for Classes I-V, (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education (Curriculum Wing) Islamabad, March 2002), p 35
96. Urdu Curriculum (First language) for Classes IV and V, (National Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, March 2002), p 18
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