It
is quite reasonable to
expect that Pakistan as
a nation would do its
best to impart a sense
of belonging and even-handedness
to all of its citizens.
While demanding contributions
from all, irrespective
of caste, creed and faith,
to its development and
prosperity, it cannot
afford to deny equal status
and rights to all. Otherwise,
the deprived ones are
likely to develop a sense
of alienation from the
society.
Besides being multi-lingual
and multi-ethnic, Pakistan
is a multi-religious society.
Non-Muslims are a sizeable
part of the society, many
of whom have contributed
enormously to its well-being.
Names like Dr. Abdul Salam,
A. R. Cornelius, Dorab
Patel, Sobho Gianchandani,
Cecil Choudhry, Bapsi
Sidhwa and many others
are a source of pride
for Pakistan.
Muslim majoritarianism
has always existed in
Pakistan on account of
the population being overwhelmingly
Muslim. Not surprisingly,
therefore, the culture,
the idioms and the manners
of the majority gained
currency and, in turn,
got reflected in the educational
process also. Muslim sensibilities
got imposed onto the rest.
However, the effort to
mould the minds of the
young through textbooks
is a later phenomenon,
having started in earnest
since the early eighties
with the political agenda
of Islamisation of the
state. Curricula were
redesigned and textbooks
were rewritten to create
a monolithic image of
Pakistan as an Islamic
state and Pakistani citizens
as Muslims only. This
clearly tells young non-Muslim
students that they are
excluded from the national
identity.
One could take this to
be a result of the usual
insensitivity of a majority
towards the needs and
aspirations of a minority,
as would happen anywhere.
Such a majoritarianism
is not confined to the
religious expression alone.
It shows up in the national,
linguistic and other expressions
also. However, since the
Muslim majoritarianism
was not experienced in
the curricula and textbooks
in the pre-Islamisation
period, it leads to the
obvious conclusion that
this has been a result
of the process of Islamisation
under Gen. Zia-ul-Haq.
The Muslim majoritarianism
in Pakistan amounts to
creating an environment
for non-Muslims in which
(1) they become second-rate
citizens with lesser rights
and privileges, (2) their
patriotism becomes suspect,
and (3) their contribution
to the society is ignored.
The result is that they
can easily cease to have
any stake in the society.
For orthodox Islamists,
non-Muslims in an Islamic
society that is governed
by Islamic laws are dhimmis,
liable to be levied protection
money, jizyah. Absolved
of any military duty,
jihad, they are doomed
to live in an environment
of limited rights. This
is the belief that seems
to have been the reason
for denying national identity
to religious minorities
in Pakistan. The educational
process in the form of
curricula and textbooks
reinforces this denial.
The program of study that
was designed under Islamisation
was in keeping with the
philosophy of education
of one particular school
of Islamic thought which
asserts that the entire
source of knowledge is
what was revealed by Allah
and that the worldly knowledge
has to be in the context
of the revealed knowledge.
It has been argued by
Syed Abul A'la Maudoodi,
founder of Jama'at-i-Islami,
that in an Islamic society
all that is taught would
be in the context of the
revealed knowledge, therefore,
every subject would become
Islamiat. A direct outcome
of this philosophy of
education has been the
following basic principle
that recurs repeatedly
in the Pakistani curriculum
documents:
In the teaching material,
no concept of separation
between the worldly and
the religious be given;
rather all the material
be presented from the
Islamic point of view.1
Much of the educational
material prepared during
the Islamisation period
was based on this principle,
and it continues to guide
the educational philosophy
and practice even today.2
This paper deals specifically
with three educational
subjects-Social Studies
/Pakistan Studies, Urdu
and English, which students
of all religions are required
to learn. Islamiat is,
of course, also compulsory,
but for Muslim students
alone.
Four themes emerge most
strongly as constituting
the bulk of the curricula
and textbooks of the three
compulsory subjects. (A) that
Pakistan is for Muslims
alone; (B) that
Islamiat is to be forcibly
taught to all the students,
whatever their faith,
including a compulsory
reading of Qur'an; (C) that
Ideology of Pakistan is
to be internalised as
faith, and hate be created
against Hindus and India; (D) and
students are to be urged
to take the path of Jihad
and Shahadat (martyrdom).
A. Pakistanis
as Muslims Alone
The process of equating
the Muslim and Pakistani
identities starts in very
early school education.
For example, the most
recent National Early
Childhood Education (ECE)
curriculum3released
in March 2002 requires
as an objective: To nurture
in children a sense of
Islamic identity and pride
in being Pakistani.4
There is no mention that
this is to be done among
Muslim students alone.
The suggested material
under this objective is
all Islamiat that is to
be read by pupils of all
religions. Or, the class
IV students are required
to:
Regard Pakistan as
an Islamic state, and
acquire deep love for
it 5
For Class IV and V students,
the Urdu curriculum
requires that:
A feeling be created
among students that
they are the members
of a Muslim nation.
Therefore, in accordance
with the Islamic tradition,
they have to be truthful,
honest, patriotic and
life-sacrificing mujahids
(janbaz mujahid) 6
Must believe that Pakistan
came into being to safeguard
Islamic beliefs and
culture
Must know that the real
basis for the strength
of Pakistan is Islam7 To educate
and train the future
generations of Pakistan
as a true practicing
Muslim8
[A child] knows that
national culture is
not the local culture
or local customs, but
that it means the culture
the principles of which
are laid down by Islam9
The textbooks then pick
up from this point and
express these requirements
as given in the following
examples:
The class II Urdu book
has a lesson on 'Our
Country', the first
sentences of which read:
Our country is Pakistan.
We live in our country.
Pakistan is an Islamic
country. Here Muslims
live. Muslims believe
in the unity of Allah.
They do good deeds.
..10
The Class 6 book says:
Who am I? I am a Muslim.
I am a Pakistani. I
love my country and
I love my people. …
You know that you are
a Muslim and your religion
is Islam.11 It conveys
a very harmful message:
being a Pakistani is
equated with being a
Muslim, and that only
Muslims are true Pakistani
citizens. Patriotism
has been equated with
Islamic zeal. The way
it has been said clearly
alienates religious
minorities.
B. Compulsory
Islamiat
The educational material
attempts to teach Islamiat
to all the students,
irrespective of their
faith, through the compulsory
subjects of Social/Pakistan
Studies, Urdu and English.
Although non-Muslims
are not required to
take the fourth compulsory
subject of Islamiat,
there is an extraordinary
incentive for them in
the form of 25% additional
marks for learning and
taking examinations
in Islamiat.
The curricula of all
these subjects require
every Pakistani, irrespective
of his (her) faith,
to love, respect, be
proud of and practice
Islamic principles,
traditions, customs,
rituals, etc., Both
the curricula and textbooks
are enlightening in
this respect.
The National Early Childhood
Education Curriculum
(NECEC) would like to
impart in the primary
school children the
following 'life skills':12
Use greetings such
as Assalam-o-Alaikum
Know when to say 'Bismillah'
Recite the first Kalma
and understand its meaning
Name the five daily
prayers
Learn about Ramadhan
and Eidain
The primary education
curriculum of 1995 lays
down the following objectives
in the Urdu curriculum: a)
To create awareness
of and love for Islamic
beliefs, and to bring
up children according
to Islamic values.13 b)
Be proud of Islamic
way of life, and try
to acquire and adopt
Islamic teachings14 c)
Should try to adopt
principles of Islamic
way of living15 d)
To participate in Salat
Ba-Jamat in mosques,
to develop a feeling
of respect for Muezzin
and Imam16 e)
Read Qur'an, and revere
it17 f)
Listen to the events
from Islamic history
and derive pleasure
from them18
Should
try to adopt principles
of Islamic way of
living
Respect
for Islamic beliefs
and practices
study
religious books in
order to understand
Qur'anic teachings
respect
Islamic or national
customs and urge others
to do the same
….
To love Islamic traditions
In
the textbooks, such
subjects be included
in sufficient numbers
that emphasis …,
the importance and
greatness of Islam
Arrange
functions/ events
on Islamic and national
themes, and students
be asked to memorise
such poems, …,
etc., that express
national and Islamic
sentiments
Urdu language curriculum
even prescribes lessons.
A small sample follows:19 Class IV
Suggestions on preparing
textbooks
(3)
Topics of books (a)
Events from the life
of the Holy Prophet(pbuh),
His family, and Islamic
leaders
(Imams) (b)
Stories from the history
of Islam (c)
True friendship (from
the life of Hazrat Abu
Bakr Siddique) (j)
…, Islamic preachers,
… (k)
Famous women of Islam (l)
Golden quotes (sayings
of the Muslim thinkers,
religious scholars and
spiritual leaders)
Class V (3)
Topics for lessons (a)
Events from the life
of the Holy Prophet(pbuh),
His family and Islamic
leaders (b)
Stories of Imams and
the Prophet's companions
(sacrifice: from the
life of Hazrat Usman) (m)
Stories about the Pakistan
movement, eminent personalities
of Pakistan, and martyrs
of Pakistan (m) Simple
stories to urge for
Jihad (n)
Unity of the Islamic
world
It is worth noting
that the most recent
Urdu textbooks in Punjab
and the Federal Area
have religious (Islamic)
contents in the following
proportion:
Class
I 20
Class II 21
Class II 22
Class III 23
Class IV 24
Class V 25
Class VI 26
Class VIII 27
Class VIII 28
Class IX-X 29
4
out of 25 lessons
8 out of 33 lessons
22 out of 44 lessons
23 out of 51 lessons
10 out of 45 lessons
7 out of
34 lessons
14 out of 46 lessons
6 out of 53 lessons
15 out of 46 lessons
10 out of 68 lessons
Similarly, textbooks on
Social Studies, another
compulsory subject that
starts from Class 3, all
have at least 4 chapters
on personalities, which
are invariably Islamic
and other religious personalities.
Note the detail below:
Class III: Chapters on
the prophets Adam, Abraham,
Jesus and Mohammad (pbuh)30
Class III: Chapters on
the prophets Adam, Abraham,
Moses, Jesus and Mohammad31
Class IV: Chapters on
Prophet Mohammad (pbuh),
Hazrat Abu Bakr, Hazrat
Umar, and
Hazrat Khadija32
Class V: Hazrat Fatima
(ra), Mohammad bin Qasim,
Shah Waliullah33
Thus, all non-Muslim
students in the mainstream
educational system are
forcibly taught Islamic
religious studies. In
fact, the most recent
national curriculum
document clearly vows:
To make the Qur'anic
principles and Islamic
practices as an integral
part of curricula so
that the message of
the Holy Qur'an could
be disseminated in the
process of education
as well as training.
To educate and train
the future generations
of Pakistan as a true
practicing Muslim who
would be able to usher
in the 21st century
and the next millennium
with courage, confidence,
wisdom and tolerance34
and requires the following
as objectives of teaching
Urdu language35
To create love for religion
and respect for personalities,
the students must: a.
have belief in the Unity
of God, and know that
Allah is the creator
of the universe. b. regard
Islamic ways as the
best of all c.
have reverence for all
the messengers of God,
Prophet Mohammad (pbuh),
His family members,
His companions, the
Imams and the leaders,
and must try to know
their teachings and
adopt their ways d.
maintain affinity (love)
with the Islamic world e.
respect the leaders,
books, places of worship
of other religions f.
be aware of the blessings
of Jihad, and must create
yearning for Jihad in
his heart.
The curriculum thus
shows itself to be grossly
insensitive to the existence
and need of non-Muslims
among the students.
Compulsory
Reading of Qur'an:
The second, and more
disturbing part of this
is to make the non-Muslim
students read Qur'an,
not in Islamiat which
they are not required
to learn, but in the
compulsory subject of
Urdu.
Urdu textbooks from
Class I to III, which
are compulsory for students
of all faiths, contain
lessons on learning
to read Qur'an. Progressing
from Class I where Arabic
alphabets are introduced
in a lesson titled Iqra,
to the lesson entitled
'E'rab' on punctuations
in Class II Urdu book,
to the lessons in Class
III Urdu book entitled
'Qur'an Parhna' (reading
Qur'an), which has seven
lessons (out of a total
of 51) on learning to
read Qur'an. The non-Muslim
students must learn
these lessons and prepare
them for examinations
also. Interestingly,
Urdu curricula of these
classes do not prescribe
this. This clearly violates
the rights of religious
minorities.
The National Curriculum
of March 2002 lays down
the following as the
first objective of teaching
English:
2.5.1: 'To make the
Qur'anic principles
and Islamic practices
as an integral part
of curricula so that
the message of the Holy
Qur'an could be disseminated
in the process of education
as well as training.
To educate and train
the future generations
of Pakistan as a true
practicing Muslim ….'
36 The
objective ostensibly
follows the National
Education policy, which
describes it as a constitutional
requirement.
Article 31(2) of the
constitution says:
The state shall
endeavour, as respects
the Muslims of Pakistan,
:
to make the teaching
of the Holy Qur'an and
Islamiat compulsory,
to encourage and facilitate
the learning of Arabic
language …;
Cleary, the learning
of Qur'an and Islamiat
is compulsory for Muslims
only, and making non-Muslims
learn them by including
them in compulsory subjects
violates the rights
of minorities assured
in Article 36 of the
Constitution of Pakistan,
which says:
The State shall
safeguard the legitimate
rights and interests
of minorities …”
If by this exercise,
the curriculum designers
thought that they were
popularising Islam among
non-Muslim students,
they were sadly mistaken.
The only thing they
have been able to achieve
is to the alienate non-Muslim
population, at a grave
cost to the national
integration.
C. Assertion
of the Ideology of Pakistan Many scholars
have forcefully argued
with the help of historical
record that the term
Ideology of Pakistan
is a construction that
was non-existent at
the time of the creation
of Pakistan. Justice
Munir has very clearly
identified the first
time when the phrase
was coined. In his monograph
From Jinnah to Zia he
writes:
The Quaid-i-Azam never
used the words 'Ideology
of Pakistan' …
For fifteen years after
the establishment of
Pakistan, the Ideology
of Pakistan was not
known to anybody until
in 1962 a solitary member
of the Jama'at-i-Islami
used the words for the
first time when the
Political Parties Bill
was being discussed.
On this, Chaudhry Fazal
Elahi rose form his
seat and objected that
the Ideology of Pakistan'
shall have to be defined.
The member who had proposed
the original amendment
replied that the 'Ideology
of Pakistan was Islam',
…
Thus the phrase 'Ideology
of Pakistan' had no
historical basis in
the Pakistan movement.
It was coined much later
by those political forces
which needed it to sanctify
their particular brand
of politics, especially
by those who had earlier
been against the creation
of Pakistan. It is no
wonder that the Jama'at-i-Islami
and people akin to the
politics of the Jama'at
use this phrase extensively.
Although it is a historical
fact, as Justice Munir
has noted, that the
Quaid never uttered
the words Ideology of
Pakistan, yet the curriculum
documents insist that
the students be taught
that the Ideology of
Pakistan was enunciated
by the Quaid.
i)
To get acquainted with
the Ideology of Pakistan
as enunciated by Quaid-e-Azam37
Further, the same document
requires from the textbook
writers:
The chapter should present
the Ideology of Pakistan
as enunciated by Quaid-i-Azam
and should include relevant
documented references.
Needless to say that
no textbook has ever
been able to cite a
single reference to
Jinnah using the term
Ideology of Pakistan.
On the contrary, the
speech of Mr. Jinnah
to the Constituent Assembly
on the 11th of September,
1947, is completely
contrary to the so-called
'Ideology of Pakistan'
as it is presented.
It was during the Islamisation
era of General Zia-ul-Haq
that the use of the
term was consolidated
and made to appear in
every nook and corner
of the educational material.
In the present day curriculum
documents, it has been
sanctified and turned
into an article of faith,
as shown by the sample
of quotations from curriculum
documents below:
The Ideology of Pakistan
be presented as an accepted
reality, and should
never be made controversial
and debatable.38
Attempt is made to make
the curriculum more
representative and responsive
to the Ideology of Pakistan
and societal needs 39…
so that the Ideology
of Pakistan could permeate
the thinking of young
generation 40…
Demonstrate an appreciation
of the Ideology of Pakistan
41
Care be taken in the
composition and editing
of the essays that there
ought to come out an
angle of propagation
of Islam and the Ideology
of Pakistan. 42
For speeches, writings
and discussions, such
topics be chosen that
represent positive thinking
about Islam and Pakistan,
and those topics be
avoided that negate
or denigrate Islamic
values and the Ideology
of Pakistan.43
Teachers must thoroughly
study the Ideology of
Pakistan ..44
Understand Islam and
Ideology of Pakistan,
and feel them deep in
heart45
Essays creating deep
love for Islam and Ideology
of Pakistan46
To develop a sense of
love for the Ideology
of Pakistan47
Enhance a sense of respect
for cooperation and
preservation of the
Ideology of Pakistan...48
Cognitive objective:
Knowledge of the Ideology
of Pakistan49
To create sentiments
for the protection of
the Ideology of Pakistan,
love for the country...50
Be able to propagate
the important values
and traditions of Islam
… and adopt national
values in accordance
with the Ideology of
Pakistan;51
To create sentiments
for love of the country,
safeguarding the Ideology
of Pakistan, …;52
deepening the awareness
of the Ideology of Pakistan;53
enable the students
to become responsible,
confident and patriotic
towards the Ideology
of Pakistan;54
To explain Ideology
of Pakistan; meaning
and nature of Ideology
of Pakistan. To demonstrate
the faith in Ideology
of Pakistan;55
While writing the textbooks,
material contrary to
the Ideology of Pakistan
which may injure the
feelings of different
sects, or which may
create hatred against
any Muslim leading personality
may be avoided.56
The only illegitimate
beneficiary of this
exercise have been the
orthodox Islamic political
forces.
It is to be granted
that any political force
has a right to define
the future of the country
as suits its political
ideology. In this respect,
the religious political
ideologues are quite
in their right to claim
that 'Ideology of Pakistan'
should be the basis
of all the policies
of the country. What,
however, is completely
unjustified is to present
it as a historical truth,
distorting history for
this purpose. The problem
with the Ideology of
Pakistan is not just
that it is historically
untrue. An emphasis
on it gives a message
to non-Muslim Pakistanis
that Pakistan is only
for Muslims and that
they do not have a place
in it.
Hate Material
Associated with the
insistence on the 'Ideology
of Pakistan' has been
an essential component
of hate against India
and the Hindus.
For the upholders of
the Ideology of Pakistan,
the existence of Pakistan
is defined only in relation
to Hindus, and hence
the Hindus have to be
painted as black as
possible.
That the pathological
hate against Hindus
is only because of adopting
the so-called Ideology
of Pakistan is borne
out by the fact that
the pre-Ideology textbooks
of Pakistan did not
contain this hatred.
Although a lot of animosity
towards Hindus should
have shown up in the
new-born Pakistan because
of the bloody riots
of the partition, the
early textbooks in Pakistan,
mostly written after
the partition, were
free of the pathological
hate that we see in
textbooks today. A few
examples prove this
point.
1. The
early history books
contained chapters on
not only the oldest
civilisations of Moen
jo Daro, Harappa, Taxila,
etc., but also the early
Hindu mythologies of
Ramayana and Mahabharata
and extensively covered,
often with admiration,
the great Hindu kingdoms
of the Mauryas and the
Guptas. 2. The
books indeed showed
biases when discussing
the more recent history
of the politics of independence,
but still one found
school textbooks with
chapters on Mr. M. K.
Gandhi, using words
of respect for him and
admiring him for his
qualities. 3.
Even in the somewhat
biased history of politics
of independence, the
creation of Pakistan
was reasoned on the
intransigence of the
All India Congress and
its leadership towards
accommodating the Muslim
League rather than on
'Hindu machinations'. 4.
Some books also clearly
mentioned that the most
prominent Islamic religious
leaders were all bitterly
opposed to the creation
of Pakistan.
Such was the enlightened
teaching of history
for the first twenty
five years of Pakistan
even though two wars
were fought against
India in this period.
The print and electronic
media often indulged
in anti-Hindu propaganda,
but the educational
material was by and
large free of hate against
Hindus.
Then came the time of
replacing Indo-Pakistan
History and Geography
with Pakistan Studies,
and defining Pakistan
as an Islamic state.
The history of Pakistan
became equivalent to
the history of Muslims
in the subcontinent.
Students were deprived
of learning about pre-Islamic
history of their region.
It started with the
Arab conquest of Sindh
and swiftly jumped to
the Muslim conquerors
from Central Asia. Simultaneously,
there started a trend
in the seventies of
stressing upon the so-called
Ideology of Pakistan.
This involved creating
an ideological straitjacket
in which history of
Pakistan, especially
that of the Pakistan
movement was to be re-written
with an utter disregard
for the truth. Pakistan
was told to have been
obtained to establish
a truly Islamic state
in accordance with the
tenets of Quran and
Sunnah. The Ulema who
had bitterly opposed
the creation of Pakistan
were, therefore, turned
into heroes of Pakistan
movement. The Quaid-i-Azam
was turned into a pious
practicing Muslim. And
hate and denigration
was created for Hindus.
A few examples of the
expression of this hate
in some recent curriculum
documents and textbooks
are given below.
Curriculum documents
ask the following as
the specific learning
objectives:
[The child should be
able to] understand
the Hindu and Muslim
differences and the
resultant need for Pakistan;57
Develop understanding
of the Hindu Muslim
differences and need
for Pakistan;58
Hindu-Muslim differences
in culture, .. India's
evil designs against
Pakistan (the three
wars with India);59
Identify the events
in relation to Hindu-Muslim
differences, which laid
the foundations for
Pakistan;60
The textbooks then
respond in the following
way to the above curriculum
instructions:
Hindu has always been
an enemy of Islam.61
The religion of the
Hindus did not teach
them good things --
Hindus did not respect
women... 62
Hindus worship in temples
which are very narrow
and dark places, where
they worship idols.
Only one person can
enter the temple at
a time. In our mosques,
on the other hand, all
Muslims can say their
prayers together.63
'the social evils of
the Hindus'64
‘The Hindus lived
in small and dark houses.
Child marriage was common
in those days. Women
were assigned a low
position in society.
In case the husband
of a woman died, she
was burnt alive with
his dead body. This
was called 'sati'. …
The killing of shudras
was not punished, but
the murder of a Brahman
was a serious crime.
… However, the
people of low caste
were not allowed to
learn this language.
The caste system had
made their life miserable.’
Muslim children of India
wear shalwar kameez
or shirt and pajama
and Hindu children wear
Dhoti also.
Hindus thought that
there was no country
other than India, nor
any people other than
the Indians, nor did
anyone else possess
any knowledge.67
[This sentence, meant
to denigrate Hindus,
describes the response
of the local people
to Al Beruni's visit
to India. It is obviously
a concocted lie because
of the fact that Alexander
the Greek had come to
this land many centuries
earlier, that the rule
of the Mauryas and the
Guptas stretched to
the lands from where
Al Beruni had come,
that the Arabs had conquered
Sindh before Al Beruni's
visit, that the Arab
conquest was also aimed
against the Ismailis
who had settled in the
area around Multan even
earlier, and that the
Arabic mathematics was
deeply influenced by
the Indian mathematics,
etc., etc.]
Hindu pundits were jealous
of Al Beruni. Since
they could not compete
against Al Beruni in
knowledge, they started
calling him a magician.68
[A story 'The Enemy
Pilot', about a captured
Indian pilot, presumably
of Hindu faith] He had
only been taught never
to have pity on Muslims,
to always bother the
neighbouring Muslims,
to weaken them to the
extent that they forget
about freedom, and that
it was better to finish
off the enemy. He remembered
that the Hindus tried
to please their Devi
Kali by slaughtering
innocent people of other
faiths at her feet;
that they regarded everybody
else as untouchables.
He knew that his country
India had attacked Pakistan
in the dead of the night
to bleed Pakistani Muslims
and to dominate the
entire subcontinent.69
The Hindus who have
always been opportunists
cooperated with the
English.70
The Hindus praised the
British rule and its
blessings in their speeches
The Hindus had the
upper hand in the Congress
and they established
good relations with
the British. This party
tried its best to safeguard
the interests of the
Hindus. Gradually it
became purely a Hindu
organisation. Most of
the Hindu leaders of
the Congress were not
prepared to tolerate
the presence of the
Muslims in the sub-continent.
They demanded that the
Muslims should either
embrace Hinduism or
leave the country.
The party was so close
to the government that
it would not let the
Government do any work
as would be of benefit
to the Muslims. The
partition of Bengal
can be quoted as an
example.71
…but Hindus very
cunningly succeeded
in making the British
believe that the Muslims
were solely responsible
for the [1857] rebellion.72
In December 1885, an
Englishman Mr. Humes
… formed a political
party named Indian National
Congress, the purpose
of which was to politically
organise Hindus.73
Therefore in order
to appease the Hindus
and the Congress, the
British announced political
reforms. Muslims were
not eligible to vote.
Hindus voter never voted
for a Muslim, therefore,
…74
[A shear distortion,
and a blatant lie that
the Muslims were ineligible
to vote]
The height of Hindu-Muslim
amity was seen during
the Khilafat Movement,
but as soon as the movement
was over, the anti-Muslim
feelings among Hindus
resurfaced.74
Nehru report exposed
the Hindu mentality.76
The Quaid saw through
the machinations of
the Hindus.77
Hindus declared the
Congress rule as the
Hindu rule, and started
to unleash terror on
Muslims.78
At the behest of the
government [during the
Congress rule], Hindu
'goondas' started killing
Muslims and burning
their property.79
The Hindus always desired
to crush the Muslims
as a nation. Several
attempts were made by
the Hindus to erase
the Muslim culture and
civilisation. Hindi-Urdu
controversy, shudhi
and sanghtan movements
are the most glaring
examples of the ignoble
Hindu mentality.80
The British, with the
assistance of the Hindus,
adopted a cruel policy
of mass exodus against
the Muslims to erase
them as a nation;
The British adopted
a policy of large scale
massacre (mass extermination)
against the Muslims;
The Muslim population
of the Muslim minority
provinces faced atrocities
of the Hindu majority;
[The Muslims] were not
allowed to profess their
religion freely;
Hindu nationalism was
being imposed upon Muslims
and their culture;
All India Congress turned
into a pure Hindu organisation;
While the Muslims provided
all type of help to
those wishing to leave
Pakistan, the people
of India committed cruelties
against the Muslims
(refugees). They would
attack the buses, trucks,
and trains carrying
the Muslim refugees
and they were murdered
and looted.81
After the Cripps Missions,
Congress raised the
'Quit India' slogan,
which meant the British
should leave, handing
over the rule to Hindus.82
After the 1965 war,
India conspired with
the Hindus of Bengal
and succeeded in spreading
hate among the Bengalis
about West Pakistan
and finally attacked
East Pakistan in December
71, thus causing the
breakup of East and
West Pakistan.83
One can no more be surprised
to find irrational hate
among Pakistani children
after knowing what they
learn in their schools.
D. Path of Jihad and
Shahadat
The themes of Jihad
and Shahadat clearly
distinguish the pre-
and post-1979 educational
contents. There was
no mention of these
in the pre-Islamisation
period curricula and
textbooks, and the post-1979
curricula and textbooks
openly eulogise Jihad
and Shahadat and urge
students to become mujahids
and martyrs. Take the
following examples;
Learning Outcome: Recognise
the importance of Jihad
in every sphere of life;84
Learning outcome: Must
be aware of the blessings
of Jihad;85
Must be aware of the
blessings of Jihad,
and must create yearning
for Jihad in his heart;86
Concept: Jihad; Affective
objective: Aspiration
for Jihad;87
Love and aspiration
for Jihad, Tableegh
(Prosyletisation), Jihad,
Shahadat (martyrdom),
sacrifice, ghazi (the
victor in holy wars),
shaheed (martyr), …;88
Simple stories to urge
for Jihad;89
Activity 4: To make
speeches on Jihad and
Shahadat;90
To make speeches on
Jihad;91
Evaluation: To judge
their spirits while
making speeches on Jihad,
Muslim History and Culture92
Concepts: Jihad, Amar
bil Maroof and Nahi
Anil Munkar93
Importance of Jihad94
Affective objective:
Concepts of Ideology
of Pakistan, Muslim
Ummah and Jihad;95
Stories: eight lessons;
Folk tales (mythical,
moral, Islamic, travel
and adventure, Jihad);...96
Conclusion Among the radical
reforms embarked upon
by the military government
of General Pervez Musharraf
since taking over, education
seems to have occupied
a high priority. The
Minister for Education,
herself an acknowledged
educationist and social
worker, initiated an
elaborate process of
consultations and formulations
in educational reforms,
culminating in, among
other things, a revision
of curricula. The exercise
of revision and re-writing
of textbooks was reportedly
spread over at least
two years. However,
as far as the problems
discussed in this paper
are concerned, things
have remained absolutely
unchanged, as is clear
from the material cited
above from the most
recent curriculum documents
and textbooks.
The process-chain in
educational system has
several key links. It
starts from (1) educational
policy and goes to (2)
curriculum development
to (3) textbooks production
to (4) classroom teaching
and to (5) examinations.
It is not the intention
here to elaborate on
each step, but only
to show how the malaise
pointed out above gets
accentuated through
the steps. Needless
to say, teachers occupy
a pivotal place in the
whole process-chain
because it is they who
exert the greatest influence
on the captured young
minds during the school
hours. It is also some
of them who write textbooks
and set examination
question papers. Some
of them also rise through
the system to end up
in the curriculum development
process. Thus ill-educated
and badly trained teachers
have the potential of
sowing the seeds of
disaster in the entire
educational system.
They also fall easy
prey to narrow-minded
ideology and use their
special position to
propagate it.
A perusal of education
policies, including
the latest Education
Sector Reform of the
year 2001, shows that
they all look sound
documents with noble
ideals and ambitious
goals, with just a statement
or two in some place
that the education should
conform to the Islamic
foundations of the state
of Pakistan.
It is at the level of
curriculum development
that almost all of the
problems cited above
originate. The curriculum
documents not only specify
the learning objectives
and outcomes, but also
specify what the textbook
contents ought to be,
besides giving guidelines
to textbooks authors
and teachers. The Curriculum
Wing of the Ministry
of Education in fact
has the additional authority
to scrutinise the textbooks
after these are written
at the provincial textbook
boards level and return
them if they have deviated
from the guidelines.
More often than not,
this happens for material
with ideological overtones
than anything that concerns
pedagogical issues or
accuracy of the material
therein. This author
once took a few English
textbooks to an official
of the Curriculum Wing
who was supposed to
be the subject specialist
in English, trying to
show him the abundance
of grave grammatical
errors in the books.
To his amazement, he
found the 'specialist'
absolutely oblivious
of the errors in language,
and was proud to have
sent back some books
for rewriting for lack
of some prescribed ideological
contents.
Textbook writers on
their part get the message
and display the tendency
to play safe. In order
to secure the monetary
benefits associated
with authoring books,
they often write ideological
material in a colour
and tone that is more
than what is demanded
by the curriculum guidelines.
The problem gets greatly
accentuated at this
level. Textbook are
authored and printed
at the level of provincial
textbook boards. A perusal
of the list of authors
over the years can easily
lead to a suspicion
of mafias having monopolised
the authoring process
and of a certain organised
effort to keep the task
to those who are more
ideologically committed.
The classroom teacher
can be regarded as very
innocent if he or she
just sticks to reproducing
the printed material
without adding his or
her own prejudices or
ill-conceived notions
to it. But this does
not always happen and
the problems pointed
out above get further
accentuated at this
level.
As a matter of rule
in Pakistan, the classroom
teaching is performed
with an eye on the end-of-the-year
examinations. Examination
question papers over
the years have invariably
asked questions from
the sections that have
ideological overtones,
forcing teachers and
students to pay more
attention to such material
than any other. Moreover,
teachers often tell
students to answer such
questions with a sufficient
zeal to merit higher
marks from the examiners.
Thus a young mind is
forced into articulating
divisive ideologies
and hate in an accentuated
manner.
The Curriculum Wing
of the Ministry of Education
therefore occupies the
central position in
the process-chain. The
material contrary to
the national integration
is emanating from there
and from the provincial
textbooks boards. These
institutions require
a radical cleaning up,
if not complete abolition.
A mere change of leadership
will not serve the purpose
because it has been
repeatedly observed
that the leaders are
completely helpless
before the already well-entrenched
ideologically motivated
officials.
(A.
H. Nayyar is Professor
at the Quaid-e-Azam
University, Islamabad).
References
1.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 41.
2.
The
above statement
exists in all the
curriculum documents
of March 2002.
3.
The
National Early
Childhood Education
Curriculum was
developed in early
2002 by the Curriculum
Wing of the Government
of Pakistan following
instructions to
this effect from
the Education
Sector Reform
Action Plan, Itself
released on January
1, 2002. ECE is
the new name for
what used to be
called the Kachi
Class I, the very
first year of
education, equivalent
of kindergarten.
4.
National
Early Childhood
Education Curriculum
(NECEC), (Ministry
of Education,
Government of
Pakistan, March
2002) page 4
5.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K V, (National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, 1995)
page 48
6.
ibid,
p 41
7.
Urdu
Curriculum (first
and second language)
for classes VI-VIII,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
1986) p 14
8.
National
Curriculum English
(Compulsory) for
Class XI-XII, (March
2002) p 7
9.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995) p 52
10.
Meri
Kitab, for Class
II, (Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, October
2001), p 36.
11.
English
Class 6, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002),
p 35 - 37
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), page
48
15.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 52
16.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 8
17.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), page
48
18.
Curriculum
Document, page 48
19.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 54
- 56
20.
Urdu
for Class I: Islamabad
and the Federal
territories,( Federal
Ministry of Education,
GOP, Islamabad)
21.
Urdu
for Class II: Islamabad
and the Federal
territories, (Federal
Ministry of Education,
GOP, Islamabad)
22.
Urdu
for Class II,( Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2001)
23.
Urdu
for Class III,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore,
March 2002). Note
that Seven of
the 19 lessons
teach learning
to read Qur'an.
Also, the idea
of selling books
of five subjects
in one volume
forces students
of all religions
to buy Qur'ani
Qaeda. Also note
that Qur'ani Qaeda
is not a part
of the prescribed
curriculum.
24.
Urdu
for Class IV, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002)
25.
Urdu
for Class V, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002)
26.
Urdu
for Class VI, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002)
27.
Urdu
for Class VII, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002)
28.
Urdu
for Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002)
29.
Urdu
for Class IX-X,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002)
30.
Social
Studies Class III
for Rawalpindi District,
Punjab Textbook
Board
31.
Social
Studies Class III
for Karachi, Sindh
Textbook Board
32.
Social
Studies Class IV,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore)
33.
Social
Studies Class V,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002)
34.
National
Curriculum English
(Compulsory) for
Class XI-XII, (March
2002), p 7
35.
Urdu
Curriculum (first
and second language)
for classes VI-VIII,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum
and Textbooks,
Ministry of Education,
Government of
Pakistan, Islamabad,
1986), p 13
36.
National
Curriculum English
(Compulsory) for
Classes XI-XII,
(March 2002)
37.
Pakistan
Studies Curriculum
for Classes XI-XII,
(National Curriculum
Committee, National
Bureau of Curriculum
and Textbooks,
Islamabad, 1986),
p 3.
38.
Urdu
Curriculum (First
language) for
Classes IV and
V, (National Bureau
of Curriculum
and Textbooks,
Ministry of Education,
Government of
Pakistan, Islamabad,
March 2002), p
3
39.
National
Curriculum CIVICS
for classes IX -
X, (Government of
Pakistan, Ministry
of Education, Curriculum
Wing, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 4
40.
National
Curriculum CIVICS
for classes XI -
XII, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education, Curriculum
Wing, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 3
41.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 140
42.
Urdu
Curriculum (First
language) for Classes
IV and V, (National
Bureau of Curriculum
and Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 25
43.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 44
44.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 44
45.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 58
46.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 61
47.
National
Curriculum CIVICS
for classes IX -
X, (Government of
Pakistan, Ministry
of Education, Curriculum
Wing, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 14
48.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 43
49.
Social
Studies Curriculum
for Classes VI -
VIII, (National
Curriculum Committee,
National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Islamabad,
1984), p 7
50.
Urdu
Curriculum (first
and second language)
for classes VI-VIII,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
1986), p 41
51.
Urdu
Curriculum (first
and second language)
for classes VI-VIII,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
1986), p 29
52.
Urdu
Curriculum (Compulsory,
optional and Easy
course), Classes
IX and X, (National
Bureau of Curriculum
and Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Islamabad,
1988), p 4
53.
English
Curriculum for Classes
IX-X, (National
Curriculum Committee,
Government of Pakistan,
Ministry of Education,
Islamabad, 1986),
p 7
54.
National
Curriculum English
(Compulsory) for
Class XI-XII, (March
2002), p 9
55.
National
Curriculum CIVICS
for classes IX -
X, (Government of
Pakistan, Ministry
of Education, Curriculum
Wing, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 15
56.
National
Curriculum CIVICS
for classes IX -
X, (Government of
Pakistan, Ministry
of Education, Curriculum
Wing, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 20
57.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Classes
K-V, Integrated
and Subject Based,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
1995), p 151
58.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 35
59.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 35
60.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002, p 35
61.
Urdu Class V, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002),
p 108
62.
Muasherati
Ulum for Class IV,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, 1995),
p 81
63.
Muasherati
Ulum for Class V,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, 1996),
p 109
64.
Social
Studies Class VI,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002): p 59
65.
Social
Studies Class VI,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002): p 67
66.
Social
Studies Class VI,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore),
p 79
67.
Social
Studies Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002), p 82
68.
Social
Studies Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002), p 82
69.
Urdu
Class VI, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore, March 2002),
p 221
70.
Social
Studies Class VI,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002): p 141
71.
Social
Studies Class VI,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002:) p 143
72.
Social
Studies Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002), p 90
73.
Social
Studies Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002), p 94
74.
Social
Studies Class VIII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002), p 94-95
75.
Social
Studies, Class VIII
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore. March
2002), p 100
76.
Social
Studies, Class VIII
( Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore. March
2002), p 102
77.
Social
Studies Class-VII,
(Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, ?,
p 51
78.
Social
Studies, Class VIII
( Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore. March
2002, p 104
79.
Social
Studies, Class VIII
( Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore. March
2002, p 104-105
80.
M.
Ikram Rabbani and
Monawar Ali Sayyid,
An Introduction
to Pakistan studies,
(The Caravan Book
House, Lahore, 1995),
p 12
81.
Ref
3, p 85
82.
Social
Studies, Class VIII,
Punjab Textbook
Board, Lahore, March
2002, p 110
83.
Social
Studies (in Urdu)
Class- V, (Punjab
Textbook Board,
Lahore), p 112
84.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 34
85.
Urdu
Curriculum (Compulsory,
optional and Easy
course), Classes
IX and X, (National
Bureau of Curriculum
and Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Islamabad,
1988), p 8
86.
Urdu
Curriculum (first
and second language)
for classes VI-VIII,
(National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
1986), p 13
87.
Social
Studies Curriculum
for Classes VI -
VIII, (National
Curriculum Committee,
National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Islamabad,
Year 1984), p 16
88.
Social
Studies Curriculum
for Classes VI -
VIII , (National
Curriculum Committee,
National Bureau
of Curriculum and
Textbooks, Islamabad,
Year 1984), p 21
89.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 56
90.
Curriculum
Document, Primary
Education, Class
K-V, (1995), p 154
91.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 33
92.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 35
93.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 34
94.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 34
95.
National
Curriculum, Social
Studies for Classes
I-V, (Government
of Pakistan, Ministry
of Education (Curriculum
Wing) Islamabad,
March 2002), p 35
96.
Urdu
Curriculum (First
language) for Classes
IV and V, (National
Bureau of Curriculum
and Textbooks, Ministry
of Education, Government
of Pakistan, Islamabad,
March 2002), p 18