This paper highlights the developments in Afghanistan immediately prior to and soon after the tragic events of September 11, 2001. It examines the factors behind the destabilisation of Afghanistan and deliberates upon the effectiveness of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). It looks into the role played by outside powers and studies the impact of the continued instability in Afghanistan on Pakistan and the Central Asian Republics.

Northern Alliance
Those Afghans opposing the regime of the Taliban grouped themselves in what became know as the Northern Alliance. The major parties which formed the Northern Alliance were: The Shura-Nazar of Ahmed Shah Masood, (Tajik); the Jamiat-Islami of Burhanuddin Rabbani, (Tajik); the Jamiat-i-Islami of General Ismail Khan, (Tajik); the Jumbish-i-Milli-i-Islami of the Uzbek General, Abdur Rashid Dostum and Hizib-i-Wahdat of Karim Khalili, representing the Shias of Hazara.

The most famous of them was Ahmed Shah Masood. According to some he was 'a master strategist and a shrewd military commander'. But Pakistan dubbed him as a Soviet-Russian agent¹. Masood, who was a defence minister in Rabbani's government, blamed Pakistan for supporting the Taliban against the Northern Alliance and claimed to have killed and captured a large number of Pakistanis, while staging a counter-attack against the Taliban. He was operating from Tajikistan, where he was receiving military assistance from outside powers. Masood was assassinated on September 9, 2001 by two Arab journalists posing as photographers. Other Panjsheri leaders took over his mantle and continued their fight against the Taliban.

Though supported by Russia, Iran, India and some of the Central Asian States, the Northern Alliance did not have the capability to push back the Taliban. It is only when the Americans attacked Afghanistan and weakened the hold of the Taliban that the Northern Alliance began to move forward. Against the wishes of President Musharraf, the Americans allowed the Northern Alliance to enter Kabul after the Taliban had been pushed out of the capital. They continue to be a thorn to Pakistan's side and a source of instability in Afghanistan.

Warlords
There are around a dozen warlords in Afghanistan who maintain their own militias.² There are around 100,000 private militiamen in Afghanistan under the control of various warlords.³

S. No	Warlord	Ethnic background	Area Under influence	Remarks
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.	Abdur Rashid Dostum Ismail Khan Ustad Ata Qasim Fahim Karim Khalili Gul Agha Sherzai Hazrat Ali Padsha Khan Jadran	Uzbek Tajik Tajik Tajik Hazara Pakhtun Pakhtun Pakhtun	Jozjan, Faryab Heart Badghis Balkh, Samangan, Kunduz Kapisa (Pangshir) Bamyan Kandahar Nangarhar Gardez	Engaged in frequent conflicts with Ustad Ata another warlord in his area Close links with Iran Is a rival of Dostum Defence Minister in the Karzai administration Supported by Iran Pays little attention to orders from the Centre
Source: Dr Babar Shah, research scholar at the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad.

These warlords maintain heavily armed personal militias numbering around 15-30,000 each. Some armed with tanks and aircraft as well.⁴ They generate their own funds by imposing local taxes. Many of them are involved in smuggling and drug trafficking. They pay only nominal loyalty to the Central Administration, refusing to obey the instructions from Kabul and unwilling to surrender their weapons. They are at times ruthless and brutal, seizing farms and abusing the population. The have no qualms in eliminating their opponents, if needed. Many of them are in the pay of the United States for helping them locate the Taliban and the Al Qaeda network. Some of them are even members of the Transitional Authority.

More than two years have passed since the United States attacked Afghanistan. Some 35 Americans have died from hostile fire since the start of the Afghan war in October 2001.⁵ Despite their best efforts they have neither been able to find Osama nor Omar nor has Karzai and his administration brought about the much-needed peace. The resistance against the presence of foreign troops in the country continues, in fact it has grown of late. 'There is no doubt that the situation is getting worse', reports Daniel Cooney of the Associated Press.⁶ Even U.S. president's special envoy for Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, (now posted as U.S. ambassador to Kabul) who is an Afghan himself, admits that the Taliban have become more active in recent weeks and months⁷. Members of the ousted Taliban have been sending fax messages and dropping leaflets from undisclosed locations calling for a holy war against the United States.⁸

U.S. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, during her visit to Kabul on Thanksgiving Day 2003, however, remained upbeat. She tried to raise the morale of the U.S. troops in Afghanistan by saying that the Taliban terrorists are fighting a losing battle. She assured the soldiers that the United States is resolved to remain a strong partner and that it will ensure that the terrorists, whoever they are and wherever they come from, will be dealt with.⁹

Hamid Karzai, who had accorded top priority to the disarming of the militias and taking away the powers of the warlords, could not do so. Ironically, he has to depend on U.S. forces for his own security. The writ of the Karzai administration does not extend beyond Kabul. Karzai was aware that terrorist activities could derail the reconstruction of Afghanistan but despite his efforts to curb the activities of those opposed to his regime he was not achieving much success.¹⁰

The areas which are most disturbed are in southern and eastern Afghanistan along the Pak-Afghan border (see map), which makes Karzai blame Pakistan for allegedly not doing enough to seal off the Durand Line. U.S. State Department coordinator, William Daylor says, 'Taliban units appear larger and better organised.'¹¹ Neither the Taliban nor the Al Qaeda are a spent force. They still enjoy a fair amount of popular support in their country and to some extent in Pakistan's tribal belt as well.

According to an unconfirmed report, the Taliban did control a highway junction for some time, where they punished people for not keeping a beard and even hoisted the white flag of the Taliban.¹² Lieutenant General (retired) Hamid Gul, a former Director General of the Inter Services Intelligence Directorate, opined that the Americans will not be able to establish peace in Afghanistan and will have to leave the country. He believes that there could be a resurgence of the Taliban.¹³

The current situation in Afghanistan is very unstable. Karzai is trying to have talks with the so-called 'moderate' Taliban. 'We cannot afford to have a major group like the Taliban, who have links with our neighbouring countries, living outside,' said Mohammad Umer Daudzai, Chief of Staff to Hamid Karzai.¹⁴ Mullah Wakil Ahmed Mutawakil, former foreign minister of the Taliban, has been released from U.S. captivity in Bagram, so that talks with him could be carried out on bringing about an understanding with the Karzai administration.

Peace and security should eventually be the responsibility of the Afghan government, which will have to utilise its own security forces for the maintenance of law and order inside Afghanistan. But only 800 or so men have so far been trained by the United States to form the nucleus of the new Afghan army. Around 70,000 trained personnel will be required. At this rate a national army will not be in place till 2010.

UNSC Resolution 1386 (2001) of 20 December 2001 authorised the establishment for six months, of an International Security Assistance Force to assist the Afghan Interim Authority in the maintenance of security in Kabul and its surrounding areas. UNSC Resolution 1413 (2002) of 23 May, 2002 decided to extend the authorisation for a period of six months beyond 20 June, 2002. .The period was again extended for a period of one year beyond 20 December, 2002. The 5,500 strong ISAF comprising members from 32 nations is now to be expanded and its area or responsibility is to be extended beyond Kabul. Neither the 115,000 U.S.-led Forces in Afghanistan, nor the nascent Afghan security forces nor the ISAF has so far been able to bring about peace in Afghanistan.

Role of Outside Powers
In addition to getting hold of Osama Bin Laden and destroying the Al Qaeda network, Washington, this time, appears to have long-term interests, which includes bringing this strategically important area under their influence.

It is the smell of Central Asian oil which is now attracting the United States. President George W. Bush is also seizing this opportunity to keep the Russians out of what Moscow refers to as its 'near-abroad'. The powerful lobbies in the United States believe that the presence of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, Central Asia and Iraq will help in encircling the so-called rogue state of Iran. The presence of U.S. troops in the Central Asian Republics is also meant to suppress the Islamic militant organisations in these countries, which are trying to overthrow the existing regimes in order to establish Islamic governments in their place.

Whatever be the motives, one thing appears to be certain. The United States is not going to leave this area in a hurry like it did in 1989. They have established bases in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan and have donated around US$. 394 million in 2002, to these countries¹⁵. It is, therefore, going to be a long haul indeed. They intend to remain there till all Al Qaeda cells have been eliminated. But the real reason seems to be to keep off Russia, contain China and encircle Iran.

The United States has a major interest in the Central Asian hydrocarbon resources. The oil around the Caspian Sea is in abundance and of good quality. The Caspian Sea has the world's largest untapped fossil fuel reserves¹⁶. Turkmenistan alone has 6.5 million tons of oil and 5.5 trillion cubic meters of gas - fourth in the world in terms of discovered gas reserves. According to one source, the total quantity of oil available for exploration in that area comes to around 100 to 200 billion tons of oil, worth US$. 2 trillion to US$. 4 trillion in the market at current prices, out of which only 30 million barrels have so far been discovered. The newly emerged independent republics lack the capital and technology and are looking for outside assistance.¹⁷

The Caspian has consequently suddenly become an area of great significance - Unicol of the United States, Delta Oil from Saudi Arabia, the Turkish oil company Turkmen Rozfgan and Russia's Gazprom all have a presence there. Oil giants such as Exxon Mobil, Chevron, Texaco and BP have already invested US$. 30 billion.¹⁸ Beijing is prepared to build the longest ever pipeline from Kazakhstan to the Pacific coast measuring 5, 900 kilometers. China has signed boundary agreements with the Central Asia States and has established rail links with Kazakhstan. The Great Game for the resources of Central Asia will not, therefore, be between two players this time, but between several nations including Russia, China and India.

Iranian Connection
Iran's interest in Afghanistan is rooted in its historical ties with its eastern neighbour. Much of northwestern Afghanistan was once part of Iranian Khorasan. Over 50 percent of Afghans speak Dari, a modified version of Persian, while only 35 percent speak Pashtu¹⁹. Iranians have always supported the cause of the Shias in Afghanistan. Differences arose with the Taliban because they hardly have any Shias in their fold.

The policies of Pakistan and Iran on the situation in Afghanistan also differed. While Pakistan was openly anti-Rabbani and anti-Masood and even hosted a meeting of anti-Rabbani factions in Islamabad, Tehran was supporting the ousted Rabbani regime, which was still being given a seat at the United Nations. Iranian Foreign Minister, Ali Akber Velayiti, did not accept Pakistan's contention that Rabbani's term in office had expired.

Differences again arose between Tehran and Islamabad when Pakistan decided to recognise the Taliban regime. Iran was favouring the Northern Alliance and was unhappy with the Sunni and Pashtun dominated Taliban. Iranian dissatisfaction with the Taliban deepened when the latter occupied Herat and forced Commander Mohammad Ismail Khan to take shelter in Iran. The Ayatollahs were very concerned when Kabul fell to the Taliban, as they believed that it was because of the assistance given by Saudi Arabia, the United States and Pakistan that the Taliban managed to secure the capital.

Although Iran supports the Panjsheris, both want peace and stability in Afghanistan and are participating in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of that war-battered country. Tehran is providing funds and engineers for the rehabilitation of the road from Islam Qila to Herat. It is a multi-million dollar project. Both would like to assist each other in stopping drug trafficking from Afghanistan. There is, however, also a view in some circles in Pakistan, that Iran wants the pot to remain boiling in Afghanistan. They justify this by saying that Iran does not want the oil and gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to go through Afghanistan on to Pakistan as it is interested in securing the pipeline to Pakistan from Iran and from Turkmenistan to Iran. This view, however, does not hold much water.

The Indian Factor
India has been attempting, since the creation of Pakistan, to prevent Pakistan and Afghanistan from having normal relations with each other. It was on India's instigation that Kabul cast a negative vote at the United Nations on the question of Pakistan's membership. Later, along with the Soviet Union, it encouraged King Zahir Shah to raise the Pakhtunistan stunt. New Delhi gave Dr. Najibullah, who was then the President of Afghanistan, diplomatic and moral support and also gave him technical assistance. Najibullah's family was living in New Delhi during the tumultuous days of the Afghan jihad and even after the Soviet troops had left Afghanistan.

According to Satish Chandra, India's High Commissioner in Pakistan, Najibullhah was considered to be the best leader in Afghanistan, one who could ensure peace and stability in that country. 'He was acceptable to the royalists, communists all ethnic groups and the educated Afghans alike and he was amenable to suggestion', said Chandra.²⁰ The Afghan Mujahideen factions were of course against him remaining the President and so Najibullah was compelled to resign and seek shelter in the United Nations compound from where he was taken out by the Taliban and along with his brother hanged in public.

A major factor in India's support of the Soviet-supported man in Kabul was the close relations between New Delhi and Moscow. Both countries continued to coordinate their policies in Afghanistan even after the fall of Dr Najibullah. However, when Rabbani felt threatened by the Pakistani-supported Taliban militia he turned for help to the Indians, who were looking for an opportunity to get back on the Pakistan stage. 'India provided humanitarian assistance to Rabbani's government by way of food, medicines and other consumer items,' confided Chandra, but in fact they were trying to boost Rabbani's capability to withstand the pressure from the Taliban.

The former prime minister of India, Narasimah Rao, flew in spare parts of weapons of Russian origin and sent technicians to maintain Soviet-made aircraft and other weaponry, which added to the military strength of Rabbani's military commander, Ahmed Shah Masood. Reports of daily flights from India to Bagram airbase near Kabul bringing in military hardware along with humanitarian aid were being received.²¹

According to Intelligence sources, India cargo planes landed on 15, 16, 21 and 27 June 1995, with two or three aircraft landing on each occasion. The Taliban claimed to have picked up messages from Indian pilots flying planes belonging to the government forces.²² Burhanuddin Rabbani denied these allegations but it was confirmed later by Abdul Rashid Dostum. He is reported to have informed the then UN emissary, Mamhoud Mestiri that Ukraine had supplied 30 jet fighters to the forces of Masood and that India was supplying military hardware and other assistance to the forces of Rabbani. Delegations from India frequently visited Afghanistan and met with Rabbani and his Prime Minister Ahmed Shah Ahmedzai.

India moved into Afghanistan in a big way after the Taliban regime was replaced by the Northern Alliance. In addition to providing a hundred-bed hospital staffed by Indian doctors and nurses India gave a great deal of humanitarian and economic assistance to the Karzai administration. India also obtained his regime's approval to establish Indian consulates in Jalalabad and Kandahar. These consulates have become another souring point between India and Pakistan, since the latter suspects that they may be involved in activities against it as there seems to be no other purpose, since business opportunities for the Indian entrepreneur in these two cities would be limited in their scope.

Russia
Russia was concerned that if the Taliban overran the whole of Afghanistan they could infiltrate the Central Asian Republics and, because of their extreme religious views, try to overthrow the present rulers of Central Asia and hope to impose their brand of Islam in these sensitive areas. It was, therefore, no surprise to learn that President Boris Yeltsin is reported to have allocated funds for sabotage activities by the opposition militia in Afghanistan.²³

Russia contributed to the instability in Afghanistan by supplying military hardware to Rabbani and Masood. According to a reliable source, four ILL 76 transport airplanes arrived every day from Russia and Ukraine. One Ukranian aircraft flown by a Russian pilot was shot down by the Taliban while it was flying over the territory controlled by them. It was on its way to deliver arms and ammunition to Rabbani's forces. Russia was sending US$ 20 million worth of Afghan currency every month into Afghanistan.²⁴ Moscow held a number of meetings with the CIS to take steps to deal with the perceived threat from the Taliban. Russia even requested the United Nations Security Council to discuss the situation in Afghanistan after the Taliban had taken over the capital. According to a political and military analyst Russia still consider Afghanistan as the strategic backyard of Central Asia.²⁵

President Vladimir Putin, who is facing a separatist movement in Chechnya, willingly agreed to join the U.S.-led war against global terrorism. He was prepared to share intelligence information with the United States and because of the threat of the militancy gaining strength in Central Asia, he had no objection to Washington establishing bases in his backyard.

Uzbekistan
Uzbekistan is an unstable country. It has an ongoing and active Islamic Movement (IMU), which is trying to overthrow President Islam Karimov and plans to establish an Islamic government in Uzbekistan. He is, therefore, supporting the U.S.-led war against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and has permitted the United States to establish an air base on its soil. In return the United States has given US$ 500 million as a grant to Uzbekistan and also pays rent for establishing a base in Khanabad in Uzbekistan.²⁶ U.S. presence in Uzbekistan will make it easier for Washington to carve out an area of influence for itself in Central Asia. Uzbekistan, according, to one political analyst, has become a client state of the United States.²⁷ Despite the presence of U.S. forces in the country gun running from Uzbekistan into Afghanistan and drug trafficking from Afghanistan to Uzbekistan continues.²⁸

Kyrgyzstan
Russian troops are being stationed in Kyrgyzstan. Not to be outdone, the U.S. is also using the airport facility in Manas international airport located 30 kilometres outside Bishkek, where about 3,000 soldiers are stationed. President Asker Akayev has not allowed the United States to establish bases in his country without demanding something in return. Besides receiving a yearly grant of US$ 49 million the United States has to pay US$ 7,000 every time a U.S. aircraft takes off from its base in Kyrgyzstan²⁹. Not to be left behind, China has held joint military exercises with Kyrgyzstan.³⁰ Neither of the three major powers want to leave the field open to the other.

Tajikistan
Tajikistan, like other Central Asian states, is also facing an insurgency and President Emomali Rakhmanov is afraid of being toppled by the United Tajik Organisation (UTO). He, therefore, has not objected to the presence of around 5,000 Russian troops in his country. He has also given permission to the United States and India to establish a military base near Dushanbe. By doing so Rahmanov wants to derive as much benefit as he can, by virtue of his country's strategic position in Central Asia.

Turkmenistan
Turkmenistan shares its borders with both Afghanistan and Iran. Its capital Ashkabad is only 40 kilometres away from the Iranian border to the south. In June 1992 it signed an agreement with Russia creating a joint military command.³¹ President Supermurad Niyazov, maintained normal relations with the Taliban as he was interested in the construction of the oil pipeline from his Daulatabad oil fields to the Arabian Sea through Afghanistan. He even defied the UN mandatory sanction imposed on the Taliban by the UNSC.

Pakistan's Afghan Policy
Pakistan, while supporting the Afghan jihad against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, did not give equal weightage to all the Mujahideen groups, which were fighting to evict foreign forces from their soil. The ISI favoured some against the others. Those who were being given a step-brotherly treatment at the hands of our intelligence agencies, responsible for the distribution of the military aid, turned against Pakistan.

Ahmed Shah Masood, the so-called Lion of Panjsher, had a great deal of misgivings against the ISI. He complained, with justification, that Gulbadin Hikmetyar was their favourite and that he was not being given the importance he deserved. Pakistan's then Foreign Minister, Sardar Asif Ahmed Ali, justified the actions of the ISI by reminding Masood that he was just a commander of the province of Kapisa unlike Hikmetyar, who was one of the officially recognised seven mujahideen leaders. Masood's response was, 'I will teach you a lesson with the help of India, Russia and Iran. I will build this coalition against you and smash you. Why can't a Tajik be a head of Afghanistan?.'³² This is what he eventually did.

Burhanuddin Rabbani, whose terms of office as the transitional president of Afghanistan expired on 24 June 1994 as per the Islamabad Declaration, got an extension from a controversial Loya Jirga. When Pakistan announced that anything that happens in Afghanistan under Rabbani's regime after that date will be considered illegal, six Pakistanis were shot dead by Rabbani's forces. The Pakistan embassy was rocketed and the Pakistani ambassador was manhandled. Disowned by Islamabad, Rabbani moved closer to India, Iran and Tajikistan. Though Pakistan was a guarantor of the Islamabad Declaration, it should have kept away from the internal squabbling in Afghan factions.

The Taliban came on the Afghanistan stage because of the growing unpopularity of the Afghan Mujahideen leaders. Ironically it was the United States, which initially supported the Taliban, because it was interested in obtaining a contract for the oil and gas pipeline from Turkmenistan for the U.S. firm Unocal. According to a well know author, support of the Taliban was not only geo-strategically important but it was an economic priority³³.

Unocal's Vice President Chris Taggart, who was of the view that if it led to peace and stability and international recognition it would be a positive development, appreciated Taliban's occupation of Kabul. The United States spokesman, Glyn Davies is reported to have said, '...U.S. can see nothing objectionable about the brand of Islamic law the Taliban had imposed.'³⁴ The United States turned against the Taliban when Mulla Omar began negotiating with Bridas, an oil firm of Argentina, for the construction of the pipeline from Turkmenistan.³⁵

Pakistan had been supporting the Taliban regime for seven long years, despite the fact that the Taliban were getting more and more isolated. President Musharraf had been personally advocating the cause of the Taliban at every forum. He spoke to many world leaders and tried to convince them to remove the sanctions on Afghanistan, but to no avail. Pakistan's embassy remained in Kabul even when the other two embassies were withdrawn. Pakistan was, however, gradually getting disenchanted with the Taliban, as they were paying no heed to the advice being given to them by Islamabad.

A personal letter from Musharraf to Omar advising him to understand the seriousness of the present situation did not make a difference. After 9/11, co-relationships of forces changed. General Musharraf decided to make a U-turn in Pakistan's policy towards Afghanistan and agreed to provide unstinted support to the United States in its effort to eliminate the scourge of international terrorism. He did so because he wanted Pakistan to get back into the mainstream and frustrate Indian eagerness to get Pakistan declared a terrorist state. He was afraid that India might seek the assistance of the United States to crush the freedom movement in Kashmir. He was also concerned about the safety of the strategic assets, which could come under attack if he refused to cooperate with the United States.

Musharraf accepted all the seven requests made by the United States. He agreed to allow Pakistan's airspace to be used by the USAF. Three PAF bases were permitted to be used by the American air force for logistic purposes. He showed his willingness to share information between the two intelligence agencies. Even U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powell, who had made this request on the telephone, was surprised that Musharraf accepted all the seven requests immediately.³⁶

Musharraf's immediate response, accepting all the U.S. requests, was criticised by a section of the population. There were some who, while not opposed to providing support to the Americans, felt that the President should not have yielded immediately but should have told Powell that he would consult his cabinet and would give him an answer soon. Some others felt that Pakistan should have placed some demands of its own. What the people did not know was that General Musharraf had already discussed the response with his cabinet on the assumption that the United States will put in such a request³⁷. So it was not entirely spontaneous, as some critics have pointed out. The fact that India had already made an unconditional offer to the United States was also a factor in taking an immediate decision.

Politico-religious parties, which had been supporting the Taliban, were very critical of the sudden change in Pakistan's Afghan policy. Qazi Hussain Ahmed, head of the Jamaat-i-Islami, was totally against Musharraf's alleged pro-American policies. He opposed the providing of air bases to the Americans in the name of war against terrorism and was against the employment of the Pakistan army in the tribal area to carry out arrests on the behest of the United States.³⁸

Using the Pakistan army personnel to arrest pro-Taliban elements in the tribal areas has been resented by a section of the Pashtuns, specially when it is seen to be at the behest of the Americans. Action in the tribal areas needs careful handling to avoid trouble brewing in a sensitive area of Pakistan. Bringing the tribal areas into the mainstream of Pakistan is indeed a good move. Building of roads and construction of schools and hospitals would pacify the tribal elders in these areas.

Pakistan and Karzai Government
Although the newly formed Afghanistan Transitional Authority was not truly representative of Afghanistan's demographic character, Pakistan decided to give its whole hearted support to the Karzai administration. It announced a contribution of US$ 100 million towards the reconstruction of that battered country. It undertook the rehabilitation of the Torkham-Jalalabad road and offered to carry out a feasibility study of a railway line from Chaman to Kandahar. Pakistan continues to host over a million Afghan refugees. Unfortunately despite these friendly gestures on the part of Pakistan, many members of the new regime in Kabul remained unfriendly towards Pakistan. They were not willing to forget the support Pakistan had given to the Taliban who were fighting against them.

The attack on the Pakistan embassy in Kabul by Afghan security personnel and the border clashes between the Afghan armed forces and those of Pakistan along the Durand Line vitiated the atmosphere. Karzai and his Northern Alliance members of the cabinet continued to criticise Pakistan for not doing enough to stop the Taliban from using Pakistani soil to destabilise their regime. Afghanistan has given a list of top hard-line Taliban who they believe are hiding in Pakistan. Kabul wants Islamabad to arrest them and return them to Afghanistan.³⁹ Pakistan denied this allegation saying that it has deployed around 70,000 regular troops along the Afghan Pakistan border to prevent them doing so and that they have arrested over 500 members of the Al Qaeda, who were hiding in Pakistan.

Allegations of border incursions by Afghan forces, baseless accusations and serious aspersions on Pakistan and the harsh responses by Pakistani officials are not conducive to creating a friendly environment. Statements made by President Karzai, based on un-confirmed reports about Mulla Omar having been seen saying prayers in a Quetta mosque only adds to the mistrust and suspicion which prevails between the two countries. There are obviously some elements in the Karzai's administration, who are deliberately wanting to keep the two Muslim neighbours apart.

There are indeed a few religious organisations, which still sympathise with the Taliban and, therefore, the possibility of some Taliban taking shelter in the tribal areas cannot be totally ruled out. But it is certainly not the official policy. There are sympathisers of the Taliban on the Afghan side of the Durand Line, who do not prevent the Taliban to carry out the attacks against the U.S. and Afghan forces. The Karzai administration should also try to eliminate them before asking Pakistan to do so on its side of the border.

Transit trade also becomes an issue at times as the Karzai regime wants a free hand in importing whatever they want, whereas Pakistan lays down a positive