Indian social reality is intermeshed with diverse cultures that are reflected in variant gender relations ranging from patriarchal forms to matriliny. This complex range of gender subjectivities can provide an appearance of media's simultaneous sensitivity and bias on gender issues. The prevalence of gender discourse has ensured that the impact of gender differentiating structures in terms of atrocities such as sati, rape, female foeticide, denial of access to facilities and resources (credit, health care, property) and poor quality of participation in availed avenues is well reported. Such coverage is interspersed with images of typed male-female roles, beauty as an empowering product and female honour as the epitome of Indian culture. In the absence of defined and institutionalised policies, procedures and mechanisms guided by gender just concerns, the messages conveyed fall in the realm of individual attribution of meaning. The reporting of a rape case may be perceived to be a woman's due for flouting the code of social conduct, a warning or mobilisation for grievance redressal depending on the audience. Moreover, the lack of formalised structure allows the media to selectively appropriate and represent gender issues contextually in conjunction with the dominant socio-political norms. Thus gender representation in the media is open to the influence of competing tendencies, be it the market, cultural capital, communalism, electoral politics or women's empowerment articulations.

The responsiveness of the media to gender can be captured through indicators of gender diversity, gender portrayal and gender policies. Can numerical representation of women in the media become a 'critical mass' to transform the terms of media representation of gender? Can gender portrayal exist independent of the market or the hierarchical socio-cultural realities? To what extent can prescribed or existing policies redefine the gender spectrum? The current endeavour analyses the dominant gender representation and portrayals in the myriad Indian media¹ and policy interventions to confront the typed media representation.

I. Gender Diversity: Case Studies
a) Female representation
Women's access within the media has visibly enhanced in the past decades. While state agencies such as Prasar Bharti have stated policies for increasing women's presence following reports to promote gender equity², private organisations do not have formalised guidelines³, yet these have large number of women staff.

Table1

DOORDARSHAN STAFF RELATED TO NEWS
	Male	Female	Others
New recruiters in DD news service DD News senior most post Director news News editors Assistant news editors Executive producer Chief producer Programme executives Video editors Camera men	5 1 5 7 9 1 1 12 8 30	16 - 3 3 - - - - 3	21 1 5 10 12 1 1 12 8 33

Table 2

The Hindustan Times (Chandigarh Edition)
	Male	Female	Others
HT City features Bureau City reporters Outstations reporters Photographers	1 3 11 19 3	8 - 3 2 -	9 3 14 21 3

Source: Ammu Joseph (2002), ‘Working, Watching and Waiting: Women and Issues of Access, Employment and Decision Making in the Media in India’, presented at Expert Group meeting on 'Participation and Access of Women to the Media, and the Impact of Media on and its use as an Instrument for the Advancement and Empowerment of Women” Beirut, Lebanon 12 to 15 November 2002

Source: Hindustan Times Editor, Chandigarh edition as on June 1, 2004

However, a look at the disaggregate data reveals that women as broadcasters and on desk jobs have a higher representation than as correspondents. While Hindustan Times has only five female reporters out of 35, The Indian Express Chandigarh Edition has six out of a total of 23. Gender diversity is, thus, unequally represented with sex segregation of jobs visible. As many as two-thirds of desk jobs are with women while the majority of field-based, camera and correspondent jobs are male oriented. The place of women in genuine journalistic role in Indian language newspapers according to Robin Jeffery's was found wanting. 'Their numbers… were scant, the jobs few and prejudices against them formidable’⁴. Women media practitioners face discrimination within their professional domain as also negative attitudes from the wider society. Work patterns are damaging on performance of practical gender needs with clashing of existing gender roles and job demands⁵. In the absence of gender sensitive institutional mechanism, competitive norms and patriarchal notions take their toll on the gender presence in reporting. Given the discrimination under gender in the media, can increase in women's presence as a 'critical mass' transform media portrayal of gender? According to noted activist Shabana Azmi:

‘...what worries me is that so many women are coming into television as directors and writers and there is still no change (in the stereotyping of women in popular television serials)’⁶

The observation underlines the role of gender structures in a given socio-cultural context, which the mere presence of women may not be able to challenge. Roles, norms and practices within patriarchy are defined for both men and women. Unless the gender subjectivities maintained through institutional settings and codified social values are addressed, gender portrayals may continue to be discriminatory.

b) Utilisation of 'femininity product' by media
The vividly higher presence of women as broadcasters, anchors and soap artists than as journalists leads to the valid query whether the femininity product is not only being aided in its creation but is also being used by the media itself. While a number studies have debated the use of the media, particularly in certain channels, constructing an image of a women as appealing to a male audience, to the extent of defining images through patriarchal discourse of 'nymphomia' -- as an ever-available object in an endlessly repetitive male adolescent fantasy world⁷, the use of body politics by the dominant media cannot be overlooked. Physical imagery of the female form is used in a subtle or blatant manner as a product by the media itself.⁸

c) Representation of gender interests minimal
There is extensive footage available on gender abuse, yet there is minimal representation of gender interests. Gender issues are addressed as being synonymous to women. Gender constructs, relations, patriarchal values, norms and even masculinities are absolved from inclusion in the gender domain. The women-centric approach has also been found to be discriminatory. For instance, a media survey in 1994 of gender coverage in news found:

gender representation to be biased men were portrayed in diverse roles, women almost in traditional feminine roles
Women accounted for 7 per cent of the time in the hard news section and 14 per cent in all news programmes⁹
1999 analysis of two English newspapers found women to occupy a marginal space.
Female presence was more through advertisements, news of crime and social events. Cricket news occupied nearly 20 per cent more space than women's issues.¹⁰

Gender sensitivity is still percolating among the media industry with gender guidelines and policies yet to be formulated among private media houses. Given the amorphous space, women interests are portrayed in an exclusive weekly 'gender page', specific columns and programmes.

II. Gender Portrayal Within Medias
a) Product creation and proliferation of commodity
The portrayal of gender as a product and the accompanying politics in the media is well-documented. However, it is not only femininity but the dominant notions of masculinity that are portrayed through the media. The most common form is the coverage provided to the beauty shows and mega models. Women's representation has moved beyond female images of the family and home to personal care as dictated by the market agenda in a predominant patriarchy. The influence of the market in shaping media is accepted to the extent that sales strategy becomes the pivot of media success¹¹. The confluence of patriarchy with the market has created the body as a product itself a particular notion of appearance and physique not only uses beauty products, clothes, accessories, gyms, saloons, diets, medicines, a lifestyle, but is portrayed as a brand that is cashable. The dominant notions of 'femininity' and 'masculinity' are projected as commodities.

Typed gender roles prescriptions, norms and practices are reinforce while adjusted to changed socio-cultural contexts. Imaging through modernised behaviour and sites where a female may be portrayed as working in a corporate sector, holidaying with male-female friends…' but the values of patriarchy continue to run writ. The context of message, source, channel of communication and symbols used attribute meaning to the message. A symbolic form used for message encoding represented by improved physical appearance of young girls in the company of boys can be decoded to understand that beauty (that too enhanced) will provide a 'catch' for marriage. Both the assumptions entailed in message formulation and strategy adopted for message dissemination promote physical beauty as a commodity albeit in newer interactions (boyfriend) and forms (women as in control by her own destiny through the of marriage market).

In its malleability to dominant socio-political influences, the media has successfully appropriated the discourse of gender rights and women's empowerment. While beauty pageants are covered on prime space, the debate veers from cultural imperialism to women's liberation and empowerment. Proponents of the market and cultural gatekeepers relegate the issue of gender rights to either commodity production or cultural protectionism. To illustrate, the symbolic reservoir of Women's Day that has been created by the women's movement finds easy appropriation by TV channels, brands and series. Ponds' advertisement of 8th March titled 'The Millennium Miracle: A Curtain Raiser' reads as:

‘As we are poised for a flight into the year 2000, what does it portend to women? A closer look at the trend-setting explosions on the career, fashion, fitness and beauty minefields…. She's what makes the world go round. Yesterday. Today. In the new millennium. And for eternity.’¹²

The message decodes women's empowerment to centre around femininity, with the new era's woman drawing power through this image. Besides linking female sexuality to women's development, still others try and enhance their market value by showing solidarity to the gender project. A chemical industry (Chambal Fertilisers and Chemicals Ltd.) is advertising its gender sensitivity by championing of women's rights through self-help groups to augment household income through tailoring skills, pickle-making and beauty courses. The illusion of supporting women's empowerment is created and a clientele is built. By focusing on incidents or themes such as empowerment, women rights, women's day, sexual harassment or female foeticide gender is used as a fashion statement which dilutes and even reframes gender interests into extension of existing social structures.

b) Gender projections
(i) Women representation as group symbols
In a multicultural society witnessing explosion of identities, without safeguards the media becomes vulnerable to the projection of women as symbols of a group identity. Women's dress, appearance, conduct and family socialisation responsibilities are visible cultural repositories and group markers. The differentiation is portrayed through stereotyped notions further typifying the communities Christian women in skirts, Punjabi women in shalwaar kameez, Muslim women in purdah etc. The cultural milieu that decodes these images is in accordance with the prevalent gender norms. For instance, in a social setting where wearing churidars signifies an 'easy woman' bare legs in a skirt carries a message of wantonness and availability and this message gets encoded for all Christian women and subsequent characterisation of the community as 'alien'.

(ii) Exclusiveness of identity abetted
The dominant media accepts the exclusivity of identity. The purdah is used to symbolically represent Muslims through the Burkha. Yet, purdah is a cultural practice with Bishnois, Rajputs and most north Indian communities conferring to the public segregation of women. By endorsing Purdha as a religious practice of a group, the message that permeates is that the group is anti-women rights. The group delineation and its projection occurs not only in the context of women but regarding men also. For instance, the male modeling shows, such as ‘Manhunt’, ‘Mr. India’ are well covered but 'Turbunator' had got wide publicity in the media in Punjab as the hunt for a Sikh, turban clad hunk. Votaries of the Sikh identity find ready takers to the images of young, well built sardars in turbans, boosting the debate for Sikhi culture as espoused through the visible adherence to its symbols, one of which is the turban.

(iii) Privileging one identity over the other
Gender identity vs. group identity
Primordial group identities are presented as sacrosanct and act as defining parameters for gender violations. The media present gender violations in a victimilogy framework without rooting them in socio-cultural contexts and broad parameters of gender rights. For instance, media reporting on the protests of women in Chandigarh over the wearing of helmets is largely kept to the domain of Sikh religious sentiments that do not allow wearing of any headgear to a Sikh woman. Though recent reports in separate news items are covering the dangers of not wearing a helmet (by reporting the death of woman scooterist) the media has been unable to convert the issue into that of a health safeguard for women. Sentiments of the Sikh community continues to take center stage. Again victimisation of women in instances of sexual abuse tends to portray women of one community being abused by another group. A gender abuse is tagged along with the community encoding 'indiscretions' as that of the community. 'Dalit Woman Gang Raped to Extract Revenge' in this instance both the victim and the perpetrators were Dalit, but the heading is inflammatory in the context of caste tensions. Moreover, gender crime becomes secondary to group interests. On the other hand gender discourse is reflected to the exclusion of its social setting and communities are portrayed as brutal and authoritarian. Killing of couples of the same community/village getting married is projected as a dehumanised act because self choice was exercised in marriage. The issue is wider -- marriage within the same village/caste space violates the stringent code of order and roles whereby families in a village are treated as blood kins to form a support system. If women's honour has to be protected by neighbours who are an extended family in times of crises, then an alternative social order has to be created. It is easier to discipline errant youngsters than to change the system.

(c) Gender differentiating reservoir
(i) Promotion of stereotypes, myths and symbols
The media draws from a ready reservoir of gender differentiating stereotypes, myths, legends and symbols. This becomes more dangerous when it is represented by a media that is considered egalitarian and secular since no filters are used while decoding their message. The film 'Roza' was popularly hailed as nationalistic. The female concern was shown limited to the well-being of the husband. The concerns of the state, nationalism and protection of the homeland are outside the preview of female consideration. Stereotyping can be blatant or subtle¹³ -- women in sex roles as sati-savitri, vamps; men as breadwinner, decision-maker are more blatant. 'Which man who really loves his wife can say no to Prestige Pressure Cooker', 'beauty that promotes courage' Ponds Dream flower talc ad are examples of explicit stereotypes whose appeal lies in the public identification with the message. Subtle stereotyping is more insidious as it is relatively more invisible but nonetheless demeaning and patronising. Mandira Bedi was made an icon through cricket coverage in noodle straps Donna Symonds the first female commentator only passed away in the blink of an eye. There is now a programme ‘Extraa Innings’ that adds to the Mandira Bedi cricketing persona. Soaps like Lipstick, Kitty Party, Ghar Ghar ki Kahani are programmed to the typed female notions from their very titles. Patriarchal images and messages are not dismantled, only the market has ensured that values of motherhood are now paralleled by ideas of personal care.

(ii) 'Masculinity' as a value
The promotion of masculinity as a value functions as a mechanism to promote patriarchy. The norm of male power is projected through roles of policemen, authoritarian, successful businessmen, bureaucrats. Popular films are replete with the message 'manly men control/protect their women' (Kabhi Khushi Kabhi Gam Even the democratic Sharukh Khan marries to safeguard Kajol when she loses her protector, her father). Honour, glory and martyrdom is linked to masculine identity and a 'manly' nation. Violent masculinities are reflected as a statured identity. A popular folk song by Kulwinder Dhillon celebrates violent manhoold 'district court are places of Jat melas’ meaning that the courts are full of Jat men since they are the ones who have murder cases on their heads. And killings are socially sanctioned to protect ones land, women and water in the area
.
The imagery of gender hierarchy is reflected not only through roles, visual depiction, but through symbols, language and sites also. A man is forced to shave off his pride his mustache, because he challenges a new washing power breaking into the established market of detergents, to wash better. Language continues to be gender laden -- generic terms that are masculine are not dismantled, with male as the norm continuing (mankind, chairperson, cameraman, lady doctor etc.). The sports arena are traditionally male domains Shekhar Suman in his programme 'Carry on Shekhar' gave a vivid description of cricket through female eyes confined to the biceps and charm of Shoaib Akhtar.

Religious sites continue to be 'manned' by men and similarly depicted in programmes and serials. This raises the issue that should roles, norms, language and imagery be gender neutral rather than be gender marked? If wife beating is projected as spouse beating, will it continue to depict the same meaning in patriarchy? Does police highhandedness not have different connotations for a male and a female criminal? Should women be projected in situations of power, controlling religious organisations, heading labour unions irrespective of ground realities? Media projection and policy guidelines then have to be grounded to reflect the gamut of gender reality. If gender representation in media is to become a tool for improving the existing gender placements then its utility is in accordance to a framework.

III. Overview of Existing Initiatives
While the state media has defined gender guidelines, these remain unstated in most private media institutions. The existing policy framework guiding media response to gender issues broadly deal with;

(a) providing a working ambience relatively free from sexual harassment of women workers;
(b) guidelines relating to the coverage of incidents of sexual abuse like rape, dowry death, honour revenge;
(c) application of indecent representation of women (prohibition) act of 1986 dealing with advertisements, publications, paintings that depict the female form or body as indecent, derogatory or denigrating.

These policies are women centred, extreme violations form the defining parameter for gender justice, are victimology oriented and physical form specific rather than gender centred, providing gender just normative depictions and gender sensitive portrayals. In order for the media to reflect gender rights in a sustained and cogent manner, gender sensitive guidelines and mechanisms have to be evolved. The media must respond to historical and socio-cultural forms of gender differentiation taking into consideration Indian multiculturalism and its associated peculiarities, recognition of gender differences and women's special interests, thereby addressing issues of humanity through universalisms and gender interests through particularisms. While adherence to principals of equality can be lauded, procedures and systems evolved to promote empowerment must be screened through assumption of gender rights. Gender diversity within the media is an effective strategy only when supported by gender sensitivity, competitive gender capacities and integration of gender just norms.

An important initiative would be adoption of a gender policy for media portrayal and representation of gender by both media organisations and practitioners.

To institutionalise gender just practices media houses must have:
1. A stated gender policy with laid down procedures and mechanisms to implement these protocols.
2. Incorporate a gender consultant and committee on board to mainstream, audit and screen gender representation and portrayal.
3. Ensure gender diversity across all job capacities.
4. Capacity building of staff and media practitioners through ongoing gender sensitisation programmes.
5. Define procedures for dealing with sexual harassment with media practitioners.
6. Incorporate gender into relevant issues rather than isolate and deal with gender as a weekly page, column or programme specific issue.
7. Address gender rather than being women centric.
8. Lay down guidelines to deal with cases of gender violence to protect victim interests.
9. Caution against the following
Use of femininity or masculinity as a brand
Use of stereotypes, symbols, myths that portray dominant notions of male-female differentiation through roles, norms, values and practices particularly in spheres of authority, decision-making and sexuality
Caution against imaging women as cultural repositories of a particular ethnic or social group
Check against promoting violent masculinity as a value
Blanket privileging of group identities over gender identities
Promote
Gender sensitive language, sites and domains
Support to cultural sensitivities that promote gender rights



(Dr Rainuka Dagar is Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh)

References

1.	Indian Print Media includes 46,000 newspapers and periodicals, among them 5000 dailies, nearly 17000 weeklies, 13000 monthlies, 6000 fortnightly and 3000 quarterly publications. These are published in 101 languages with 19000 in Hindi, 7000 in English and 3000 in Urdu and over 100 TV channels. Ammu Joseph (2002), ‘Working, Watching and Waiting: Women and Issues of Access, Employment and Decision Making in the Media in India’, presented at Expert Group meeting on 'Participation and Access of Women to the Media, and the Impact of Media on and its Use as an Instrument for the Advancement and Empowerment of Women, Beirut, Lebanon 12 to 15 November 2002. An average of 943 feature films (including regional) are produced by the Indian industry Central Board of Film Certification, 2002.
2.	P.C. Joshi, 'Women-the Neglected Half', in An Indian Personality for Television: Report of the Working Group on Software for Doordarshan, (New Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1985) Vol. 1.
3.	Chandigarh editions of national dailies of Hindustan Times and Indian Express denied the existence of any gender policies or guidelines.
4.	Robin Jeffery, India's Newspaper Revolution: Capitalism, Politics and The Indian Language Press (London: Hurst, 2000)
5.	Ammu Joseph, (2002), op.cit.
6.	Ratna Rajaiah, 'From Actress to Activist', Hindu, Chennai, 8th February, 2002.
7.	Margaret Gallagher, ‘Lipstick Imperialism and the New World Order: Women and Media at the Close of the Twentieth Century’, Paper prepared for Division for the Advancement of Women, United Nations, 1995.
8.	For instance the advertisement of a leading daily has a beautiful female model with a background placard of 'Make You Look Good' and the paper in her hand..
9.	‘Representation of Issues in News and Current Affairs Programmes on Television’ (Unpublished), Centre for Advocacy and Research (2000).
10.	Kalyani Menon-Sen and A.K. Shiva Kumar, Women in India: How Free? How Equal? (New Delhi: United Nations, 2001)
11.	The Vice President of the Media Group Bennett and Coleman V.P. Bhaskar Das acknowledged the preponderance of an advertising agenda in cultivating readership. 'The advertiser, thus, becomes the primary customer of the print media and he uses the print media as a vehicle to reach his customer who happens to be that medium's reader. So, I, the print media am not trying to get readers for my product, but I get customers, who happen to be my readers, for my advertisers.’ Bhaskar Das, 'The Paper chase', Gentleman, June, 1999, p. 58.
12.	Viz., the Sub-committees on Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs, De-escalation and Normalisation, and Core Political Issues.
13.	Only one-third of women portrayed as lead character wee depicted as managing business enterprises, working as lawyers, journalists, fashion designers, advertising executives, secretaries and doctors. Working women were depicted as ambition, neurotic, high-strung, eccentric in appearance or mannerisms, unscrupulous in their dealings, incapable of coping in their relationships and saddled with problems children. So exaggerated was the depiction that some of the critical issues they raised, such as sexual harassment, parenting and marriage, were all distorted and trivialised. See for details Akhila Sivadas, ‘Media as a Change Agent: Coping with Pressures and Challenges' in N. Rao, L. Ruirup and R. Sudarshan (eds.), Sites of Change (New Delhi: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and UNDP, 1996); Kulwinder Dhillon, Kacherian Ch Mele Lagde, Jan. 21, 2001.