I. Introduction
Women as a category
and South Asia as a
region for analysis
brings up the issue
of heterogeneity vs.
homogeneity (Stromquist,
1998; Agarwal, 1996;
HDSA, 2000). South Asian
women and their status
is being assessed in
this paper to highlight
the similarities in
the conditions faced
by women across the
region, despite the
diversities stemming
from class, religion,
culture and locality.
This assessment is undertaken
on the basis of a select
set of quantitative
indicators regarding
their work, survival,
health, education and
political participation.
The issues considered
here to highlight the
gender inequalities
that constrain women
from their legitimate
claims to participate
in and benefit from
development in South
Asian countries are
limited by the availability
of data1, quantifiability
and comparability across
countries.
South Asia comprises
seven different sovereign
nations2, with diverse
socio-cultural and ethnic
populations, a range
of religious faiths,
legal frames, economic
and political forces,
all of which impact
upon the lives of women
in the region. Within
these diversities, the
region stands together
on a number of counts
and the women of South
Asia too, face similar
conditions on various
fronts. South Asia is
a highly populated,
agriculture dependent,
poor income region,
often identified as
the most deprived region
in the world (HDSA,
1997). The region is
also recognised as a
'patriarchal belt' (Caldwell,
1982), where women are
subordinated to men
in a kin-ordered social
structure (Mathema,
1998), have low status,
little or no access
to property and land3
(Bardhan, 1986) and
suffer from non-recognition
of their work which
is largely unpaid.
Socio-cultural practices,
based on a strong patriarchal
ideology prevalent in
the region, curtail
women's mobility and
prevent them from utilising
opportunities to enhance
capabilities. Not all
the spheres of gender
discrimination are quantifiable,
but even within the
limited arenas of labour
markets, socio-cultural
influences on education,
nutrition, health and
political participation,
women in most of the
South Asian countries
face unequal treatment.
Since our emphasis here
is to deal with the
aspects of gender inequalities
based on quantitative
indicators, certain
equal, if not more critical,
dimensions, such as
violence against women
or the influence of
legal institutions,
are not dealt with.
Aggregation of the
situation of women in
South Asia is feasible
in quantitative terms
only in certain spheres,
as in the case of sex
ratios, education, child
mortality, fertility
rates and so on. In
other dimensions such
as work participation,
political participation
and violence, for instance,
the definitional categorisation,
level of data availability,
and its periodicity,
are all very varied
across the different
South Asian countries
and therefore, an average
taken for the region
as a whole can be questionable
if attempted. In such
cases, individual country
level analysis is undertaken.
Since 1975, coinciding
with various international
efforts, most of the
South Asian countries
have also intensified
their respective country
level endeavours to
assess the status of
women, comprehend the
nature of gender inequalities
and introduce institutional
mechanisms to enable
movement towards equality.
By the end of the twentieth
century, gender equality
and empowerment have
become accepted norms
in any discussion on
development. The gender-neutral
approaches hitherto
adopted have been questioned
by the recognition of
the asymmetrical impact
of development and poverty
on women and men. Gender
inequality is a global
phenomenon, with variations
only in terms of degrees
of discrimination and
biases against women
(UNDP, 1995).
Equality refers to
equal opportunities
in terms of access to
sources of livelihood,
health, and education,
as well as to social,
economic and political
participation without
discrimination. Gender
inequalities stem from
relations of power and
authority, class-religion-caste-ethnic
hierarchies and socio-cultural
traditions, customs
and norms (Kabeer, 1994;
Carr, et al., 1996).
Empowerment is the process
of transforming these
structures and institutions,
thereby ensuring equality.
Over the years, in
a number of well being
indicators, South Asian
women are seen to be
better off today than
they were a few decades
ago- their survival
in terms of life expectancy
has been improving;
more women are educated
and working; many of
them have entered politics
at least at the local
governance levels and
there is an increasing
recognition of the need
to address women's issues
specifically, to understand
gender relations and
work towards equality
and empowerment for
women. Despite these
improvements, the aggregate
picture of women's development
reflected in the quantitative
indicators in any of
these spheres, reveals
that the journey has
only begun and there
are many more processes
that require transformation4.
Following this introduction,
section II focuses upon
the issues relating
to women's work, its
non-recognition and
the nature of economic
participation of the
South Asian countries.
Predominance of male
preference and the gender
biases in nutrition,
and health care which
impact the survival
of girls and women,
are dealt with in section
III. The overwhelming
emphasis on women's
reproductive roles to
the utter neglect of
their other health concerns
and its impact on their
well-being is discussed
in the fourth section.
The educational poverty
in most of South Asia,
especially the gender
biases prevalent and
the influence of socio-cultural
constructs of women
on their access to and
enhancement of capabilities
is dealt with in the
fifth section. The sixth
section provides for
the role of women in
South Asian politics.
The inroads made by
the positive interventionist
efforts of reservation
for women and the need
for it is highlighted.
Finally, some concluding
remarks are made to
emphasise the need for
working towards changing
mindsets and perceptions
that influence the institutional
structures and their
functioning, towards
elimination of gender
inequalities in the
region.
II. Women's
Work
Women in South Asia-
a predominantly agricultural
and tradition-bound
region- participate
in economic activities
and contribute their
labour actively. Yet,
due to the nature of
their work- which is
intertwined with household
activities at times
and is often unpaid-
and the flawed definition
of economic activity,
their economic participation
remains statistically
invisible.
The role played by
women in the care sector,
predominantly their
reproductive work (bearing,
rearing, nurturing children
and household maintenance),
falls outside the national
accounting systems followed
by different countries.
While these activities
are crucial for household
members' well-being
and effective participation
in different spheres-
economic, social and
political, they continue
to remain non-economic
activities. By virtue
of women performing
these roles which are
statistically not counted
as economic and hence
not monetarily valued,
women's roles and their
contribution are assigned
a lower status.
Women's contribution
in activities that are
recognised by definition
as economic activities
also remains unrecognised
and non-enumerated.
This is due to cultural
and traditional values
which constrain recognition
of women's economic
participation. In the
South Asian countries,
the historical gender
roles, spaces and stereotypes
of the 'public' male
breadwinner (provider)
and 'private' female
care-giver are espoused
even under changing
situations. This is
due to the association
of household status
with women's non-work
that has been perpetuated
by the circumstances
of women having to offer
their labour in the
paid market work spheres
under extreme economic
stress and poverty.
Despite the conceptual,
methodological and definitional
flaws, statistics on
women's work from the
respective national
data sources reveal
nearly one-third participation
of women in the labour-force.
Maldives and Pakistan
are the two countries
where the female percentage
of labour-force is relatively
low, while in Bangladesh
and Nepal the share
of women labour-force
is higher compared to
other countries in the
region (see Table 1).
The region as a whole
has been witnessing
rising levels of women's
economic participation
over the years. The
factors that have aided
or influenced these
trends differ from country
to country. Nevertheless,
the characteristics
of women's labour, in
terms of the nature
of tasks undertaken
and the wages earned,
remain by and large
unchanged. The majority
of women are undertaking
manual, non-mechanised,
low or unpaid tasks.
Even among those entering
the paid labour market,
women face gender discrimination
in access to jobs, and
gender inequalities
in pay and job security.
An overwhelming majority
of economically active
women in Nepal and India
work in agriculture
(see Table 2). In Sri
Lanka, where agriculture
is the main life supporting
sector for rural populations,
women are involved extensively
in the plantation sector
(Weerahewa and Ariyawardana,
2003). Rural women in
South Asia participate
in crop farming, animal
husbandry and a host
of off-farm activities.
A substantial amount
of time is spent by
South Asian women in
looking after livestock-
from rearing to protecting
animals, finding and
collecting fodder and
water, collecting eggs,
milking, ensuring the
health of animals, poultry,
etc.
| Table
1: Sectoral Distribution
of Labourforce in
South Asia |
| Country |
Percentage
Labour Force in |
Percentage
of
Female Workers |
| |
Agriculture |
Industry |
Services |
32 |
| India |
62 |
11 |
27 |
27 |
| Pakistan |
47 |
20 |
33 |
42 |
| Bangladesh |
59 |
13 |
28 |
40 |
| Nepal |
93 |
1 |
6 |
40 |
| Sri
Lanka |
49 |
21 |
30 |
36 |
| Bhutan
|
92 |
3 |
3 |
32 |
| Maldives
|
25 |
32 |
43 |
22 |
| |
Source:
HDSA, 1997, 2000. |
By and large, among
the secondary sector
activities of industry,
manufacturing and so
on, women's enumeration
is low as seen in Table
2. Sri Lanka and Bangladesh
have a relatively higher
share of women's employment
in the secondary sector.
Sri Lanka began its
phase of trade liberalisation
and export oriented
growth as early as 1977.
The nature of these
industries and the additional
labour demand generated
therein facilitated
entry of women workers.
Bangladesh has recently
embarked on industry-led
growth policies specially
in such areas as garments.
While this thrust has
led to South Asia becoming
one of the world's largest
exporters of textiles
(with India, Sri Lanka
and Bangladesh), the
work and pay conditions
are no better than sweatshops
(see Unni, 2001).
| Table
2: Sectoral Employment
in South Asia by
Sex (Percentage) |
| Country |
Sex* |
Agriculture |
Industry |
Service |
Bangladesh
(1996) |
Male
Female |
53.9
41.7 |
19.2
27.8 |
26.8
30.5 |
India
(1994) |
Male
Female |
58.3
78.0 |
16.5
10.9 |
25.2
11.1 |
Nepal
(1996) |
Male
Female |
78.9
93.7 |
4.9
1.4 |
13.2
4.5 |
Pakistan
(1997) |
Male
Female |
40.7
66.4 |
20.2
10.6 |
39.0
23.2 |
Sri
lanka
(1995) |
Male
Female |
35.4
41.5 |
28.2
30.8 |
36.4
27.7 |
| |
*For
each country male
figures are percentages
of male labourforce
and female figures
are
percentages of female
labourforce.
Source: Respective
labour force surveys
of the countries;
cited in HDSA, 2000. |
The majority of South
Asian women work in
the informal sector
or as unpaid family
helpers. Among the economically
active women workers
in India, 96 per cent
are in the unorganised
sector. In Nepal, 75.3
per cent are self-employed
and 28 per cent are
unpaid family members.
In Pakistan, 65 per
cent of the female labour-force
that is officially enumerated
is in the informal sector.
The percentage of women
earning a living in
the informal sector
in Bangladesh in 1995-96
was 75 per cent (HDSA
2000). Women workers
are in demand for their
docility, lower probability
of organising or fighting
for better wages and
work conditions. The
patriarchal norms that
are prevalent make it
easier to manage women
as workers.
Women's participation,
although increasing
in South Asia, still
accounts for the smallest
percentage of formal
sector employment. Even
here women occupy the
lower rungs of clerical
and low-skilled occupations.
The lower levels of
literacy and skill/training
among women in South
Asia are often blamed
for their placement
in the lower echelons.
Women are often occupied
in community, social
and personal services.
In India, 57 per cent
of women in formal sector
fall in this employment
category, while the
share is 59 per cent
in Bangladesh (see Table
2). Despite Sri Lankan
women being more professionally
qualified, their higher
labour market participation
does not show signs
of breaking the proverbial
'glass-ceiling' and
many of them are unemployed
(Jayaweera and Sanmugam,
2002; Aturupane, 1996;
Alailima. 1998). To
encourage women's participation,
some of the South Asian
countries have introduced
policies of reservation
in government jobs.
In Bangladesh, 10-15
per cent and in Pakistan,
20 per cent government
jobs are reserved for
women.
However, the extension
of women's work spheres
into paid categories
without an adjustment
or radical change in
the sharing of household
responsibilities is
an added stress on them.
Unless women have control
over their earnings
and the power to decide
how they spend their
incomes, the benefits
in terms of empowerment
will remain limited.
Some studies have found
that working women tend
to spend their resources
more judiciously on
children's nutrition
and household concerns
as opposed to their
male counterparts who
are often noted to be
frivolous by using their
incomes on commodities
of personal gratification
(Hoddinott, 1992; Kabeer,
1994).
At the same time it
is important to note
that women's work status
certainly provides them
the opportunity to wield
relatively more space
within household structures,
especially when their
income becomes important
for the family and the
fulfillment of their
needs are dependent
on it. Even in terms
of mobility that is
otherwise restricted
for women in patriarchal
societies, employment
provides the desirable
opportunity to interact
with others and operate
in 'public' domains,
traits which can be
substantially empowering
in certain contexts.
The recognition of women's
economic 'worth' can
also help in improving
the survival of girls.
III. Survival
Issues
The strong presence
of traditional values
and perceptions in South
Asia, wherein the role
and status of women
are assigned lower significance,
reflects in the demographic
balance as well. As
opposed to the global
sex ratio of 106 women
per 100 men, South Asia
is one of the few regions
(other than China and
parts of the Arab world)
where the proportion
of women to men is lower-
only 94 women per 100
men in the population.
Relatively balanced
sex ratios are recorded
for Sri Lanka and Nepal
while Pakistan, India
and Maldives have a
lower proportion of
females in their populations
(see Table 3). In India,
where the sex ratios
have been declining
especially among the
younger age cohorts,
practices of female
infanticide and foeticide
to prevent the birth
of girls have been noted
in some parts of the
country (see George,
et al., 1992; Agnihotri,
2000 among many others).
The introduction and
ease of access to pre-natal
screening methods such
as ultrasonography and
amniocentesus technologies
that can help detect
the sex of the foetus
are being used to selectively
abort female foetuses.
| Table
3: Survival Indicators
for South Asia |
Gross
Domestic
Product per capita |
Country/Region |
Sex
Ratio
(Females per
100 males) |
Female
Life
Expectancy at
Birth |
Female
Child
Mortality
Rate |
Female
to
Male Child
Mortality
Rate |
| 4798 |
Maldives |
93 |
66 |
80 |
1.51 |
| 3180 |
Sri
Lanka |
102 |
76 |
20 |
0.91 |
| 2840 |
India |
94 |
64 |
97 |
1.18 |
| 1833 |
Bhutan |
98 |
64 |
94 |
0.96 |
| 1610 |
Bangladesh |
95 |
61
|
116 |
1.09 |
| 1310 |
Nepal |
100 |
59 |
124 |
1.13 |
| 1890 |
Pakistan |
92 |
60 |
104 |
0.96 |
| 2730 |
South
Asia |
94 |
- |
- |
1.14 |
| |
Source:
HDSA 2000; HDR 2003;
for col.4 and 5
UNFPA, 1999. |
Analyses of the causes
leading to such demographic
imbalances, ever since
these trends were observed
in South Asian countries,
have exposed the strong
son preference traits.
The trend of declining
sex ratios witnessed despite
reduction in mortality
rates has led researchers
to examine other variables
such as sex ratios at
birth, gender differentials
in nutrition and extent
of gender variations in
mortality rates among
populations belonging
to different age cohorts.
Linkages have been examined
in many of the South Asian
countries between fertility
rates, contraceptive use,
abortion and sex preference
even in Nepal and Bangladesh
where the imbalance is
not so pronounced (Arnold,
2001; Karki, 1992; Leone,
et al., 2003; Bairagi,
2001 among others).
The reasons for son
preference stem from
patrilineal and religious
structures that lay
emphasis on the role
and significance of
male offsprings. Property
transfers, ritual functions,
the family heir who
carries the name of
the household etc.,
leads to the desire
of having one or more
sons in every household.
In the context of declining
fertility rates and
smaller family size
becoming desirable,
the pressure to give
birth to a male offspring
further worsens the
condition of women's
health and their status.
Frequent child bearing
and the exposure of
women's bodies to a
host of tests take a
toll on their health.
Since women are held
responsible for childbirth,
failure to produce a
male child becomes a
cause for violence,
abuse and torture against
them. Even when girls
are born, they are discriminated
against in a number
of ways (UN, 1998; Miller,
1981; UN Secretariat,
1988). Neglect and lack
of adequate care in
feeding girls, looking
after their nutrition
and health, are noted
in a number of studies
revealing the gender
discriminatory practices
in South Asia. These
are mostly an outcome
of the lower status
assigned to women (Basu,
1992).
Improvements in life
expectancy and reduction
of mortality rates are
noted in all the South
Asian countries over
the quarter century
1975 to 2000 (HDR 2003).
Yet, as compared to
male child mortality
rates, the female child
mortality rates are
higher revealing excess
female mortality among
under-5 age groups.
The female to male ratio
is above 1 in four countries
- Maldives, India, Nepal
and Bangladesh. By far
the best performance
among the survival indicators
is witnessed in the
case of Sri Lanka (see
Table 3).
Consideration of three
survival dimensions
using sex ratios, child
mortality and life expectancy
display discrepancies
in ordering of different
countries. Nepal has
a more balanced sex
ratio, but the worst
life expectancy and
child mortality rates
among females.
The survival indicators
seem to have a stronger
association with the
income levels of the
countries, especially
the life expectancy
and infant mortality
levels. However, the
sex ratios and gender
disparity in mortality
do not display a similar
correlation, highlighting
the influence of gender
ideologies which discriminate
against girls, irrespective
of income development
levels of the countries.
IV. Health
Concerns
The overall lower status
of women in South Asia
influences their health
status too. Lack of
access to resources,
poor decision making
power or control, low
recognition of their
work i.e., low economic
worth, and their social
position as subservient
to males or other household
members, places their
health requirements
at a low priority. In
fact, often these health
needs are not realised
or articulated by the
women themselves. Their
low self-esteem and
their socialisation
into 'non-entities'
prevent them from such
articulation.
The emphasis laid on
women's marriage reiterates
the stress on their
reproductive roles,
undermining all other
spheres of human development.
In South Asian countries,
marriages are traditionally
carried out at early
ages with little choice/option
given to women. The
governments of most
South Asian countries
are actively working
towards preventing child
marriages and pushing
the minimum age at marriage
up for girls. Bangladesh,
India and Bhutan have
stipulated the legal
minimum age at marriage
at 18 years, yet many
marriages do occur before
girls attain the legal
minimum age. (HDSA,
2000).
Early marriage along
with young age pregnancies
compounded by poor health
and economic poverty
puts undue stress on
women's bodies (Hartmann
and Standing, 1989).
A majority of South
Asian pregnant women
suffer from anaemia
(see Table 4). The total
fertility rate (TFR)
has been declining over
the last three decades,
but still continues
to be quite high in
Maldives, Pakistan,
Bhutan and Nepal. The
most significant decline
in TFR is witnessed
for Bangladesh, India
and Sri Lanka (see Table
4).
| Table
4: Some Health Indicators
for South Asia |
| Country/Region |
Total
Fertility Rate |
%
of Pregnant
Women with
Anaemia |
Birth
Attended
by Skilled
Personnel |
Health
Expenditure
as % of GDP |
| |
1970-75 |
2000-2005 |
|
|
Public |
Private |
| Maldives |
7.0 |
5.3 |
62 |
70 |
6.3 |
1.3 |
| Sri
Lanka |
4.1 |
2.0 |
60 |
97 |
1.8 |
1.9 |
| India |
5.4 |
3.0 |
72 |
43 |
0.9 |
4.0 |
| Bhutan |
5.9 |
5.0 |
73 |
15 |
3.7 |
0.4 |
| Bangladesh |
6.2 |
3.5 |
58
|
12 |
1.5 |
2.6 |
| Nepal |
5.8 |
4.3 |
75 |
11 |
1.6 |
3.6 |
| Pakistan |
6.3 |
5.1 |
45 |
20 |
0.9 |
3.2 |
| South
Asia |
5.6 |
3.3 |
- |
36 |
- |
- |
| |
Source:
HDR 2003; HDSA 2000. |
Maternal mortality
rates are quite high
in the region (HDSA,
2000). The probability
