A five-member high level
delegation headed by FNJ's president, Taranath Dahal, carried
out investigations in all districts of the mid-western development
region. In the course of the campaign starting from April
20 to 26, the team visited the headquarters of Banke, Dang,
Bardiya, Surkhet and Dailekh, and organised scores of interaction
programs, inspections and investigations. About Karnali Zone,
the group received important information and suggestions from
the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) district branch
office-bearers and local media persons at Nepalgunj.
The mission carried out the whole process
in coordination with the district offices of the FNJ. The
study showed the media houses and journalists outside Kathmandu
facing an extremely adverse situation. Newspapers have been
closed at the orders of army or the government. F.M. stations
have been barred from broadcasting news. Reporting has been
restricted and journalists have been forced to work in an
environment where fear, threats and tension reign supreme.
It is obvious that the condition of the media and the media
persons under such horrendous circumstances cannot be otherwise,
but utterly deplorable. The principal objective of the mission
was to collect actual information on the state of the media
after February 1 royal proclamation, boosting the morale of
the journalists' fraternity and finally to agree on a future
course of action.
The monitoring team comprised: Taranath Dahal,
former president of Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ),
coordinator and members Gopal Thapalia, president of SAFMA
Nepal chapter; Puroshottam Dahal, president of Human Rights
and Peace Society; Balaram Baniya, central member of FNJ;
Surya Thapa, vice president of FNJ and Binod Dhungel, (participated
in Bardiya and Surkhet), central member of FNJ.
District Wise Situation
Banke
Immediately after the royal proclamation,
armed forces were deployed at the offices of all media houses
that left the entire media in the district terrorized. This
went a long way in creating a strong psychological pressure
on the minds of all media persons. For instance, BBC reporter,
Netra K.C., was called to the Division Headquarters for his
reporting on the February 1 takeover. The very next day, journalists
staged protest at Rupadiah and Bahraich in India. Almost all
reporters at the local level were detained from February 2-7.
On February 7, the district administration office called all
editors and issued a 12-point directive that cut a boundary
line for the media. Nepali Express and Nishpakshya Dhwoni
Dainik resumed their publication from February 8; whereas
Kaalpristha, Madhyapashchim and Nayaa Sangrachana dailies
resumed publication from February 11.
Hemant Karmacharya, editor of Kaalpristha,
was interrogated for an hour as to why Kaalpristha remained
closed for a couple of days. During the course of assessment,
it was learnt that Brigadier Dipbikram Rana and spokesperson
Yagyabahadur pressurised him to disclose the source of the
news on the Ganeshpur episode despite of censoring material
for some time. The fact-finding mission team observed that
the district administration did not have any role in these
unfriendly activities. All it did was to issue a12-point directive.
In effect, the army was at the center stage of all the activities.
After that direct interference has not been
witnessed, but journalists work under the sensation of a looming
saber over their heads. The army also restricts news materials
that talks about Maoist extremism, corruption in the government
offices or the activities of the political parties. Newspapers
are not in a position to work in a fearless environment. Nevertheless,
the fact-finding team started working in the field quite late
and found the newspapers working in a relatively unfettered
manner.
Soldiers were posted at Radio Bheri Awaj
and Bageswori FM Radio before the royal proclamation was announced.
Bageswori broadcasts news bulletins in every single hour,
but armed soldiers had already cordoned off the office by
6 O'clock in the evening on February 1 and halted the transmission
of all news bulletins, talk programmes and current affairs
programmes. However, both the FM stations were not given the
12-point directive of the district administration office.
The army team, posted at 10 a.m. at Bheri Awaj FM station,
issued a strict warning while leaving at 6:30 p.m., 'Don't
broadcast any news till further notification is made and don't
play any local language songs.'
The Maoist rebels destroyed the regional
transmission center of Nepal Television (NTV) after February
1. It was established at Kohalpur in 2000. Many employees
and journalists have been called back to Kathmandu under the
pretext of attack; whereas programme production and relay
transmission have also been stopped. This move disrupted the
programmes broadcast in local languages Tharu and Awadhi rendering
more than 5 dozen programme producers and journalists jobless.
The police also interfered into the blood donation programme
broadcast on the golden jubilee celebration of the Federation
of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ).
Dang
The district administration office
ordered the closure of Naya Yugbodh Dainik and Gaughar Weekly.
Following this, Gaughar Weekly could not be published for
two consecutive weeks. Even after the resumption of the publication,
it was ordered to get its materials censored before sending
them to the press. Though there is no censorship at present,
but the terror in the journalists' psyche continues unabated.
Naya Yugbodh went unpublished for 28 days.
Its publication became possible only after it won a case filed
at the Tulsipur Appellate Court on February 11, 2004. It is
worth mentioning that The Kathmandu Post's editor had to appear
before the Chief District Officer (CDO) for publishing a photograph
that showed the jobless reporters of Naya Yugbodh playing
a guitar in front of their office.
In another incident, Dang-based reporter
of Channel Nepal, Sharad Adhikari, was put behind the bars
for 26 days. For 20 days there was no hearing on the writ
petition lodged at the Tulsipur Appellate Court for his release.
It revealed that the judiciary too is not free of bureaucratic
tactics. The administration sought to create havoc amidst
the media persons by continuing the detention of Adhikari
even after the release of the political activists, who staged
protests against the royal takeover. Now he is free following
the verdict of the Appellate Court.
The CDO tried to threaten and pressurise
Naya Yugbodh's reporter, Durgalal KC, for writing on the corruption
in issuing vehicle license. The army barred Nepal Television's
Dang-based reporter, Parshuram Sharma, from taking pictures
of Tulsipur Airport during a strike. He was later taken to
the barrack and grilled for one-and-a- half hour. During the
questioning, the army said, 'We don't know any journalists,
all we care is if some one is in our side or not.' He was
released after two hours, but he could not get one of his
cassette back even after he showed his identity card of Nepal
Television, a government owned channel. Here the efforts of
the mission proved fruitful when he told this only to the
fact-finding team.
Not only the state, but the Maoist rebels
are equally responsible for harassing the media persons across
the country. The rebels were scathing the journalists who
had been to Hapure on April 20 on a tip-off that the Maoists
were cleaning up forests in the area. The telephone line of
veteran journalist, Tikaram Regmi, used to be disconnected
almost every day. The army cuts off all telephone lines to
Ghorahi and Tulsipur 15 minutes before they set on their search
operations. Whenever the protests are against the royal takeover,
the local newspapers are bound to describe it as 'Demonstration
in favor of democracy' not 'Demonstration against the royal
step'.
Soldiers came to Radio Sargadwari on February
1 and warned strongly not to pass any comment against the
royal proclamation that they said would be made at 10 a.m.
The soldiers came back at 11 a.m. and asked to stop the broadcast.
They came back again at 1 p.m. Finally at 4 p.m. the army
said in quite a threatening tone, 'This is going to be something
as in Pakistan, don't tell anyone outside about our coming
here, whatever order is to come within couple of days next
would come.' After that, for one full week, there was no news
but all songs on the radio. From March 11 onwards, they started
relaying whatever the newspapers published, but the administration
has now stopped even that. Due to this obstacle, the people
have relied on the Maoist owned 'Radio Janaganatantra'. The
police have also demanded every bit of information about the
equipment of Sargadwari Radio.
Bardiya
On February 19, Rajendraprasad Dhital and
Meghraj Sigdel of Bardiya Samacharpatra were called and asked
to be careful while writing news in future. As the publisher
was not ready to take the risk, the threatening ultimately
led to the closure of the newspaper. Though the CDO called
them to his office on February 2 and instructed to act in
accordance with the prevailing situation. No written directive
or order was handed over to them. Army and police did not
come to the newspaper's office. Babai Weekly, Krishnasaar
Weekly and Bardiya Times are still being published; there
is no independent environment though. The situation is so
volatile that even land-mafias while making the best use of
the situation issue death warnings to journalists. There is
absolutely no environment in which the media persons can write
about the February 1 royal takeover or the corruption in the
government offices.
The army did not allow on-the-spot reporting
about the Ganeshpur incident till the next day. Local newspapers,
of course, wrote about the incident later. The army showed
46 bodies of the Maoists and forced all newspapers to write
the same. On the other hand, Maoist owned radio service broadcast
that the outfit lost only 2 dozen comrades in Ganeshpur and
18 more in Khara. After this, people had the impression that
listening to either Radio Nepal or Radio Janaganatantra would
be worthwhile. The survey conducted by Annapurna National
Daily through its reporters was criticized badly. The survey
was aimed at collecting unnecessary information for a newspaper
as on jails, inmates, strength of the police force, development
infrastructure in the terrain and the distance to the Indian
border. Therefore, the local journalists have strong reservations
about the survey.
Surkhet
After the royal proclamation
was made, army reached the offices of all newspapers and issued
a blatant warning to stop all publication activities till
further notification. As a result, Suseli, Bulbule and Kankrebihar
Dainik as well as Surkhet Bihani, Karnali Post, Digo Bigyapan
and Chharchhimek Weeklies had to be closed down.
According to the understanding
reached between the Surkhet district branch of the FNJ and
the local administration on February 14, three dailies and
two weeklies were permitted to resume their operation on the
condition of informing the administration in advance. It was
instructed that the master copies of the papers would be submitted
to the administration before 7 O'clock in the evening. This
continued for around 20 days.
The administration further did not allow
publishing news on the political parties' protest programmes
and put forward the condition of disclosing the news source.
In the meantime, FNJ held another round of talks with the
CDO upon which it was agreed that the headlines of the news
items would be relayed on the telephone. This practice is
in vogue even today. If the telephone call is not made on
a particular day, or if the master copy is not sent for the
perusal, then they are called and asked, “Do you want
to face the trial or want to send it?” This attitude
terrorized the media persons in the district.
Kalendra Sejuwal, the vice president of FNJ's
Surkhet district office, had to face much humiliation for
publishing news on January 30 that is before the royal takeover.
Immediately after February 1, security forces carried out
extensive search operations at his Bihaani Weekly's office.
The process continued for another three to four days. On February
2 editor Sejuwal was called to the district administration
office. The administration tired to force him to sign a paper
stating that the news published before royal proclamation
was false. He has refused to do so arguing that the news was
written under totally different circumstances for which he
has not yet been allowed to resume his publication. Citing
irregular publication, the administration has barred the paper
from getting a permanent status.
Kamalraj Regmi, a central executive member
of FNJ and a journalist working for Radio Bheri, was arrested
while protesting against the king's takeover. He was later
released on April 26 under the pressure of this fact-finding
team.
The administration has issued a three-month
detention order to Nepal Bar Association's Surkhet district
secretary, Nanda Bhandari, who was arrested for writing an
article in Bihaani Weekly, advocating the release of student
Narendra Karki. When Civil Society's president Lokprasad Pant
filed a writ petition in the court demanding his release,
the district administration office gave him detention papers
for further six months. Furthermore, Pant himself had been
detained. This shows the danger of working as a social campaigner.'
On February 1, soldiers were posted at the
office of Radio Bheri for two hours. Following the royal move,
all the station broadcast songs. When they started producing
programs after a couple of days, the administration did not
interfere. The ministry of broadcasting and information has
sent a CD for transmission, but the station has not done so.
The FM stations can in no way survive by
merely broadcasting songs and entertainment programmes. FM
stations Tharu and Magar broadcast popular programmes in Nepalese
language, which have dramatically gone down in recent times.
They have not even broadcast the Radio Nepal news as the later
has sent correspondence for making payment against its news
bulletins.
A total of 12 journalists have been laid
off from the regional transmission station of Radio Nepal
at Surkhet. The center has censored social programs like 'Dalit
Jagaran' and 'Prajanan Swasthya'. It also does allow the use
of terminology like 'struggle', 'freedom', 'movement' and
'organization' and call the concerned songs as 'Jaagriti Song',
songs of awareness in the vernacular. The publication of Dalit
Awaj Monthly has also been stopped. Likewise, a human rights-based
program called 'Shanti Jagaran' also was allowed to be broadcast
after two months of censorship. Cable television channels
were blocked for three days. Later on, the CDO called and
asked to stop wiring all news channels.
Karnali Post published Deuda song (a type
of regional folk song) on its editorial page. When it criticised
the royal move through 'Raibaar', a program in local language,
no action was taken against it because the administration
could not make head or tail of it. When Maoists torched down
tankers, the media persons reached the site when the security
forces failed to do so. The local journalists cannot forget
the bitter experience when the national dailies asked them
to send the news with 'quotes' from the security forces. Not
only this, the rebels destroyed the post office in front of
them, but the newspapers did not report it.
When Bulbule Dainik published a blank editorial,
the administration interrogated him. Accordingly, when the
newspaper tried to take pictures of the protest against the
royal proclamation, the police tried to interfere and snatch
the camera. The newspapers could not even publish the press
releases of the political parties. When they published news
about the World Bank's waiver of assistance to Nepal, the
administration used force to elicit the news information.
Dailekh
After the February 1, it was almost an undeclared
decree for the journalists not to move out of the district
headquarters. Citing security reasons, the army barred journalists
from visiting the remote adjacent villages.
Dailekh correspondent, Dharmabahadur Bista,
wrote an article on 'Father Nandabahadur Sarki's son Deepak
Karki', a blunder in the distribution of citizenship certificates.
He was later forced to sign a paper saying he would not publish
any news in future without informing the CDO. He was not only
forced to attend the hearing for seven days, but was also
beaten up.
The Maoists had threatened to kill 10 journalists
in Dailekh district and threatened to chop off hands of journalists
Bhupendra Sahi and Kamal Neupane. They killed Dhekendraraj
Thapa But after February 1 journalists in the district had
to face threats from both the rebels and the state. Thus,
plainclothes security officials beat up Radio Nepal reporter,
Yagyaraj Thapa. The situation is so atrocious that journalists
and human rights activists have been beaten for taking photograph
of people slain by the Maoists.
Karnali Zone
K.B. Jumli, Nepal Samacharpatra correspondent,
was arrested as soon as he landed at the Jumla Airport on
February 1. It was to punish him for the report titled 'Corruption
in 5 hundred thousand rupees of VDC'. The Maoists detained
him for 93 days. Likewise, the security forces barred journalists
from writing news on their beating up civilians when many
security personnel got injured in a bomb planted by the Maoists.
On April 21, Mr. Jumli was seriously injured when an army
vehicle hit him in Nepalgunj.
There is no pre-censorship for Karnali Sandesh
as it is published from Nepalgunj. But a provision has been
laid to send the news to the brigade head and the CDO. The
security units seem not to have a good attitude to the few
journalists in the Karnali Zone
Obstacles in distribution
and sale
The area administration office
at Tulsipur in Dang district has banned the distribution of
all weeklies except the dailies from Kathmandu. Local newspaper
sellers were summoned to the CDO office and were asked to
give a formal statement promising that they would not sell
any weeklies. At the same time, the authority has stopped
the distribution and sale of many papers including Janasangharsh
published from Butwal. Such a declared measure has not been
taken in other districts. There have been many obstacles in
the distribution and sale of newspapers. The shopkeepers have
incurred serious losses as the dispatches do not reach them.
The condition of employment and advertisement:
Before and Now The government has already instructed all concerned
offices not to provide government advertisement to private
sector media. After the circulation of the concerned ministry
was received, the Water-borne Calamities Office called off
an advertisement set to be published in Kankrebihar Daily
which was later provided to the Gorkhapatra Daily, a government
mouthpiece. The agriculture development office in Jumla district
has not only shunned giving advertisement to private media,
but has also stopped subscribing to the newspapers.
Revenue generation through advertisement
has been severely affected after the FM stations stopped news
transmission. According to Nepalgunj-based Bageswori FM, it
has lost 80 per cent of its advertisement after the February
1 royal takeover. More than 30 stringers working in different
districts have been laid off. Radio Sargadwari only has sent
6 reporters on leave. 12 journalists working with the Radio
Bheri Awaj have been rendered jobless. Same is the case with
other newspapers and radio service. As far as the radio is
concerned, it has lost everything including its listeners,
advertisers and business.
Suggestion of the local media
persons
Even during autocratic Panchayati
regime, newspapers were allowed to write about the political
parties by mentioning the initial 'Pra' of 'Pratibandhit'
(meaning banned in the vernacular). But the February 1 royal
takeover chocked that level of freedom of expression. Citing
this present hostile situation, the expectation of the readers
has gone up, but the space is very little that newspapers
are not able to provide information even as much as the Radio
Nepal, a government sponsored medium. In the nutshell, the
circulation of newspapers and magazines has gone down drastically,
along with affecting the credibility of newspapers. There
has been an evident decline in advertisement, and employment.
The media has turned out to be a 'Directed
Journalism' in this part of the country. The administration
allows the printing of newspapers for the sake of showing
them in the market, but there are no signs of freedom left.
Publishers and editors of many newspapers
openly admitted, 'We are taking out the publications for the
sake of regularity. We are not disseminating facts, but illusions.'
Therefore, it is of no surprise that the state is after the
press. Army and administration blame each other for everything.
Thus, the press is reeling under terror and perplexity.
The reaction of the human
rights activists and the civil society
In general, human rights activists
and the representatives of the civil society have shown concern
over plight of the press freedom in the country. Every one
can easily see that the very existence of the press is in
danger due to the lack of freedom. Under the present context,
the newspapers cannot continue publishing for long due to
lack of standard objectivity, analysis and views.
The process of information
dissemination and its condition
The country has no environment
for an independent news reporting. Security units and administrative
bodies are the main stumbling blocks for doing field reporting.
The state has no organized body as the source of reliable
information. There is no question of writing about the Maoists;
it has led to biased and one-sided news materials.
However, the army no more posts soldiers
at the media offices like before. They no more issue stern
directives and censor the news materials. But the pressure
of the administration continues unabated. This trend is more
acute in Surkhet and Dailekh than Dang, Bardiya and Banke
districts. The administration has not called off its 12-point
directive in Banke for which its pressure continues to be
built up on journalists' community.
Conclusion and suggestion
Journalists and the entire media
sector in the midwestern region have been the target of both
the rebels and the state. The situation got bad to worse after
the February 1 royal takeover.
Taking over the country under the pretext
of restoring peace and restricting freedom of the press in
the name of the state of emergency is taken as the murder
of the democratic system. The suspension of press freedom
has worsened the situation in the remote areas. The way innocent
people have been caught between the two sets of guns, the
media has been its apt reflection. The fact find mission of
the team has boosted the morale of the media persons and the
civil society and suggested the following steps which must
be taken in order to end the current quagmire the media is
passing through:
- Press freedom must be restored in its entirety.
- The administrative interference into media affairs must
end.
- The restrictions, torture, physical abuse and detention
of journalists must end.
- F.M. radio stations must be allowed to revive its news
transmissions.
- The state must end its partial attitude by immediately
calling the decision of the ministry of information and
broadcasting null and void and restore government advertisements
to private media sector.
- The security and welfare of the media persons must be
guaranteed.
- Clear-cut policy, strategy and promotional programmes
for the publications outside the valley must begin at
the earliest.
- Press freedom must be guaranteed by ending the state
of emergency and restoring democracy.
Presenter
Surya Thapa
on behalf of Mid Western Region Monitoring Team
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