Bangladesh
emerged as an independent nation state in 1971
committed to a secular liberal democracy. While its secular
politics was compatible with ideas of gender equality, the
new government was too busy dealing with the ravages of war
to pursue this objective creatively. Nor was there a significant
women's movement at the time to influence policy. A major
concern of the state was to rehabilitate destitute or raped
women, often marriage was regarded as the only means.
In
Bangladesh women constitute about half of the population,
the majority of them are underprivileged, under-nourished,
illiterate and poor. In their lifetime, they experience two
fold realities: one determined by a culture and tradition
that tends to keep them inside family homesteads and the other
shaped by increasing poverty that forces them outside into
wage employment for economic survival. There are not enough
employment opportunities for women. Therefore, economic activities
through self-employment became essential for potential working
women. There has arisen a new class: the women micro-entrepreneurs.
Although there has been substantial participation of women
in the off-house activities, yet Bangladesh women still have
not been able to impose a controlling authority in mainstream
production.
Socio-economic
status of women
Bangladesh
is a low income developing country with a population of 114
million growing at the rate of 2 per cent per annum. The female
population is approximately 48.6 per cent. Eighty five per
cent of the population is rural. The economy is primarily
agrarian: 36 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP)
originates in agriculture. The manufacturing sector accounts
for only 10 per cent of the GDP.
The country is aid dependent for a large share of its development
expenditure. This was 35 per cent under Mujib, 40 per cent
under Zia and 48 per cent under Ershad
in the early years, 1981/82 to 1984/85; subsequently, down
to 42 per cent in the budget of 1986/87 to 1987/88.6 Under
the current elected government of Khaleda
Zia, $1.8 million in aid meets two-third of the country's
development expenditure.
The
socio-economic indicators of female status reveal that women
bear a disproportionately high share of the country's underdevelopment
compared to men. The literacy rate for women, 15 years and
above, is 24.2 per cent compared to 45.5 per cent for men
of the same cohort. Their life expectancy is 55.4 years as
against 56.4 years for men. The daily per capita calorie intake
for women is 1,599 k cal while for men it is considerably
higher, 1,927 k cal. The wage rates for women is 58 per cent
of men's for the same job, dropping to 43 per cent during
the slack season. As much as 43 per cent women and only 8
per cent men earn less than Tk 100 ($2.5) per week.
Despite
this bleak picture, there has been an increase in the levels
of female participation in the national economy. More phenomenal
changes occurred in urban areas: while the economically active
population grew at the rate of 7.1 per cent annually, this
was 50 per cent among the female population!
There
has been a steady transfer of the labour force from agricultural
to non-agricultural occupations such as manufacturing, as
well as some improvement in the working and living standards
of women. With the changing pattern of female labour increasing
attention has been paid to the terms and conditions of work
such as wages, working hours and child care facilities in
the workplace as well as access to public resources like health
care, education and training. However, it has also given rise
to male hostility. Waz mahfils have condemned women for the
destruction of the soil and causing crop failure because they
go out to work. A more earthly reason for such censure is
economic competition.
The
subordination of women
The
subordination of the majority of women is illustrated
by the attitudes of men derived from socially and culturally
determined concepts of gender roles which prevent women
from becoming self reliant. Women are considered inferior
by most men, even in professions like journalism. Women's
work is undervalued both in terms of pay and status.
Women are primarily expected to be wives and mothers
engaged in undervalued work like reproducing and rearing
children, cooking, cleaning and looking after the household. |
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Otherwise, they are expected to work in areas considered suitable
for women: in the agricultural sector, this includes sowing,
husking, reaping etc. and in the non-agricultural sector,
teaching, sewing, knitting, crafts and embroidary etc. But,
as Bhattacharya points out, it is in the non-traditional sector
of manufacturing that women may expect changes in the sexual
division of labour, higher incomes and a concomitant change
in social attitudes.
State
inability to contain poverty, illiteracy and corruption have
ensured the vulnerability of women. Their search for a better
life frequently leads them to fall prey to unscrupulous men
who traffic in women in the international scene. Often, their
lack of knowledge about their rights prevents them from exercising
these. They are not sufficiently protected from domestic violence,
including dowry deaths because these are not treated as criminal
offences, but as family quarrels to be resolved by family
courts. However, family laws treat women unequally: marraige,
divorce, custody of children, inheritance, etc are resolved
by family courts through the application of laws which favour
men.
Women's
subordination is also ensured by the policies of the patriarchal,
post-colonial state of Bangladesh which is not fully committed
to female equality. On the contrary, it has endorsed violence
and injustices against women, both in the private and public
spheres, through its failure to enact and implement appropriate
measures of deterrence.
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