The Afghan people are ethnically and linguistically diverse because of its location in Central Asia.They are related to many of the ethnic groups in Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The borders drawn between these groups are arbitrary.

The Pashtoons, who make up about two-fifths the population, have traditionally been the dominant ethnic group. They are composed of approximately comprise 60 clans of varying size and importance, each of which occupies a particular territory. Their homeland lies south of the Hindu Kush, but Pashtoon groups live in all parts of the country. Many Pashtoons also live in northwestern Pakistan, where they are called Pathans. Male Pashtoons live by ancient tribal code called Pashtoonwali, which stresses courage, personal honor, resolution, self-reliance, and hospitality. The Pashtoons speak Pashto, which is an Indo-Iranian language.

The Tajiks, a people of Iranian origin, are the second largest ethnic group in Afghanistan. They live in the valleys north of Kabul and in Badakhshan. The Tajiks speak Dari (Afghan Persian), also an Indo-Iranian language. Dari is more widely spoken than Pashto in most of the cities. The Tajiks are closely related to the people of Tajikistan.

Ethnic groups also include the Hazara, the Uzbeks, among others. Pashtu, Dari (Afghan Persian), various Turkic languages, and 30 minor languages, are all spoken in Afghanistan. For the most part, Afghans are farmers, artisans, or merchants, although a significant minority follows a nomadic lifestyle.The population of Afghanistan has a life expectancy at birth of 46.5 years (47.5 for males and 46 for females) and an infant mortality rate of 143.7 deaths/1,000 live births. Afghanistan's infant mortality rate is one of the highest in the world, with 147 deaths for every 1,000 live births. It has an annual population growth rate of 3.5 percent.

Prior to the war important political positions were distributed almost equally among ethnic groups. This kept ethnic tensions and violence to a minimum, though the Pashtoons in Kabul were always the politically dominant group. In the mid-1990s attempts were made to reestablish shared rule. However, many of the ethnic groups sought a greater share of power than they had before the war, and violence was a common result of the disputes.

Social Structure
Afghanistan is home to a multiplicity of ethnic and linguistic groups, as well as several sects within Islam and other religions. Historic and geographic factors created and preserved this diversity although varying degrees of cultural assimilation continuously take place and a considerable degree of cultural homogeneity exists.

Ethnicity has been extensively explored by scholars; they often disagree. Any simple classification is bound to have exceptions for Afghan society has never been static within fixed boundaries. The picture has been drawn and redrawn throughout the course of its history.

Further, ethnicity means different things to different groups. Every group uses the identification term qaum to explain a complexity of affiliations, a network, of families or occupations. Each has a rich density of meanings. Every individual belongs to a qaum which provides protection from outside encroachments, cooperation, support, security, and assistance, either social, political or economic. Frequently a village corresponds to a qawm, but it does not necessarily exist in a precise geographic setting. In a more restricted sense qaum refers to descent groups, from family kin to ethnic group. In tribal areas qaum refers to a common genealogy from extended family, or clan, to tribe to tribal confederation. Most simply, qawm defines an individual's identity in his social world

Ethnicity and Tribe
Afghanistan is home not only to several religious sects but also to a host of different ethnic, linguistic, and tribal groups. Rivalry and even armed hostilities have traditionally been common between and within many of these groups. Historic and geographic factors have led to the creation and preservation of diversity. The relationship between tribe and ethnicity is complex, and by no means do all Afghans, even all rural Afghans, consider themselves tribal members. In addition to social diversity, many different phenotypes may be found in the population, including blond-haired, blue-eyed Afghans; those with darker features and epicanthal folds; tall, olive-skinned, mustachioed tribesmen; and those who combine these features.

Although it may be tempting to associate certain physical features with certain ethnic groups, scholars recognize that because all human populations are capable of interbreeding and do so with great regularity, there are more physical differences found within ethnic groups than between them. Canfield has observed that in Bamian, "some Hazaras (who are thought to have "Mongolian" features), especially those from the chiefly families, do not have clearly defined Mongoloid features. Instead, some have heavy beards and lack the typical Mongolian eyefolds and high cheek bones.

Conversely, some persons calling themselves 'Tajik' have rather strong Mongoloid features. I consequently doubt that the relationship between phenotype and ethnic identity is very close."

Afghanistan's rugged physical environment serves to isolate residential communities and to create microenvironments. Members of the same ethnic group and tribe who reside in different locations must adapt to their own microenvironment, which may result in different kin based groups within the same tribe and ethnic group using different modes of production. For example, Tapper studied that the Durrani Pashtuns were primarily agriculturalists, while the Sheikhanzai Durrani Pashtuns, who were the subject of Tavakolian's research, were primarily pastoralists. Many Durrani also live in cities, where they may have lost their tribal identity.

Distribution
The largest and most powerful ethnic group is the Pashtun. The Pashtuns are primarily Pashtu speaking, although those residing in Kabul are often Dari speaking. Both Pashtu and Dari belong to the Iranian branch of the Indo European language family. In 1980 Dupree estimated that there were about 6.5 million Pashtuns in Afghanistan. This ethnic group, like most others in the country, is not limited to the borders of Afghanistan but also constitutes a major ethnic group of about 10 million in Pakistan. Pashtuns are generally Sunni, but there are Twelver Shia Pashtuns as well.

In Afghanistan Pashtuns traditionally have resided in a large semicircular area, following the Afghan border from north of the Darya-ye Morgab east and southward to just north of 35° latitude. Enclaves of Pashtuns live scattered among other ethnic groups in much of the rest of the country, particularly in the northern regions and in the western interior owing to Amir Abdur Rahman's policy of Pashtun resettlement.

The Tajiks are also numerous. A problem in discussing this ethnic group lies in the tendency of some non Tajik groups to classify anyone who is Dari speaking as a member of this group. Some also categorize any urbanite who has become "detribalized" as Tajik. This is particularly true for Kabulis. Tajiks generally live in the west in the area around Herat, in the northwest interior, and (primarily) in the northeast of the country, although not in the Wakhan Corridor. Tajiks speak Dari. Some Tajiks are Sunni, while others (particularly those in the north of the country) are Ismaili. In 1980 Dupree estimated that there were 3.5 million Tajik residents in the country.

Farsiwans (or Persians) are also Dari speaking. They live in western Afghanistan near the Iranian border; their area extends to almost 66° north longitude. Farsiwans, like the majority of Iranians, are Twelver Shia. In 1980 Dupree believed there to be about 600,000 Farsiwans in the country.
Qizilbash are remnants of the old Iranian presence. They are Twelver Shia, although Dupree asserts that some use taqiyya to pass as Sunni. They are a very small group found in Afghan urban centers. They are, of course, Dari speakers. Hazaras speak a dialect of Dari and live primarily in central Afghanistan. Among Hazaras are members of every Muslim religious sect in the country-Ismaili, Twelver Shia, and Sunni. Dupree put their number at 870,000 in 1980.

Altaic languages are also represented in the country by speakers of Turkic languages. The Uzbeks are Sunni who speak Uzbek, a Turkic dialect. Turkic languages are not in the same family as Indo European languages (such as Dari and Pashtu). Uzbeks live in a large semicircular area roughly following Afghanistan's northern borders, from Faryab Province almost to Feyzabad.

Dupree's 1980 estimated that about 1 million Uzbeks people reside in the country. Turkmen are another Sunni Turkic speaking group found scattered throughout the northern most portion of Afghanistan along the Soviet border. The Kirghiz are also Turkic speaking and, until recently, lived in the Pamir mountains of the Wakhan Corridor. In 1985 there were unconfirmed reports that this area was inhabited solely by Soviet and Afghan army soldiers and that the indigenous population had fled or been exiled. The Kirghiz lived in the high mountain valleys of this region, while another ethnic group, the Wakhi, occupied low land areas. The Kirghiz are Sunnis.

The neighboring Wakhi, or Mountain Tajik, are speakers of Iranian dialects. They are often Ismaili but, according to Dupree, some Wakhi Twelver Shia and Sunni exist. They generally live in the same regions as the Kirghiz but at lower altitudes. Nuristanis are Sunni who speak dialects of Dari and often also Pashtu. They live in the Konarha, Nangarhar, Laghman, and Parvan areas of eastern Afghanistan. The area, Nuristan, was the scene of the first armed opposition to the Khalq government where the Nuristanis live. Arabs are a Sunni group living in northeastern Afghanistan, primarily "in an arc extending from Maimana to Kunduz." Here they speak a dialect of Farsi that is mixed with Uzbek vocabulary. Some scholars report that Arabic speaking Arab communities exist in the area of Balkh.

The selection of major ethnic groups in Afghanistan is somewhat arbitrary, as is a classification by language and location. Ethnicity is extremely complicated in the country, and any simple classification is bound to have many exceptions. Furthermore, there are many more ethnic groups than those listed here. Ethnicity has been extensively explored by scholars studying Afghanistan, and they often disagree, further complicating an already labyrinthine phenomenon. Anderson points out the futility of attempting to locate Afghan ethnic groups on a map because "boundaries are not all of a piece . . . they vary according to the situation." Scholars disagree about what constitutes an ethnic group. Richard F. Strand, an ethnologist, and Anderson describe ethnicity as a process emerging "in situations where people of different traditions and organizations come together or are brought together in contexts set by terms external to themselves."

Anthropologist Hugh Beattie defines ethnic groups as "loose collectivities of people who classify themselves and others for the purposes of social interaction on the basis of varying criteria such as language, ideology of patrilineal descent, origin and history and custom in general." These two definitions need not to be conflicted if the processual nature of social interaction is kept in mind. Patrilineal descent is also notoriously malleable and to some extent may be defined and redefined situationally. Canfield further introduces a complication. His experience in Bamian leads him to assert, unlike many other scholars, the importance of religious sectarian differences which, he contends, take precedence over ethnicity.

Ethnicity, then, is based on shared kinship traced through the father, shared customs, tradition, and language. It is most obvious and is to a large extent formed when different groups come into contact in alien situations. The importance of ethnicity as a behavioral and cognitive category is generally extremely important in Afghanistan but, in some areas, at least, may take a backseat to religious sectarianism. Finally, ethnicity, religious sect, tribe, family, and mode of subsistence intermesh and are to some extent indistinguishable.

The largest and most politically powerful ethnic group, the Pashtuns (or Pakhtuns, in northern Pakhtu dialects), is very diverse. It is composed of at least seven tribal groups: the Durrani, Ghilzai, Jaji, Mangal, Safi, Mamund, and Mohmand. The Pashtuns have been the subject of several scholars' research. Anderson reports that because Pashtuns have historically dominated government, other ethnic groups have had to learn to deal with them on the Pashtuns' own terms. He refers to the "Pashtunization" of the country's public behavior. Being a Pashtun, at least a male Pashtun, centers around Pashtunwali, or "doing Pashtu." "Doing Pashtu" connotes adherence to a code of behavior stressing honor (namus) and its defense, autonomy, bravery, self-respect, and respect for others.

It is probable that Pashtunwali is shared by all male Pashtuns. A man's namus is expressed through his ability to dominate and defend his property, including his household and his wife and female relatives. A Pashtun who has suffered a blow to his honor is expected to seek revenge in the form of physical retaliation or compensation in property or money. Such a code of behavior is often in opposition to strict interpretation of sharia. When a conflict occurs, Pashtuns tend to "do Pashtu" instead of following Sunna, believing as they do that Muslim and Pashtun are equivalent.

In matters other than Pashtunwali, there may be regional differences. Richard Tapper reports that to be classified as Pashtun in the Saripul district, a man must speak Pashtu, be a Sunni, trace his ancestry to Qays, and marry his sisters and daughters to other Pashtuns. Most Pashtuns in the country tend to follow this marriage pattern. It is a form of hypergamy and is also practiced by other ethnic groups, i.e., a woman may marry within her ethnic status group or above it, but she may not marry below it. Males may marry within or below their group. Because ethnic groups in Afghanistan are ranked in terms of their status and all Pashtuns consider themselves the top ranked ethnic group, Pashtun women marry only other Pashtuns.

Pashtuns practice various modes of subsistence. In the past, many were government bureaucrats and, of course, the monarchy came from the Durrani Pashtun. Some Pashtuns were nomadic herders. Others practiced mixed herding and farming, while others were primarily agricultural. Still others lived in cities and pursued urban occupations. Although the government has been Pashtun for many years. Babrak Karmal is no exception-Pashtuns have not always received good treatment at its hands. The often forced resettlement of Pashtuns by Amir Abdur Rahman in the late nineteenth century is only one example. Pashtuns, like other groups, have traditionally responded to central government intervention with hostility. The difference between Pashtuns and other ethnic groups' interaction with government is that local government officials were often Pashtuns and might, at a local level, be more sympathetic to fellow ethnic group members.

In the 1980s Pashtuns continued to dominate government. In 1981 Karmal's cabinet was composed of 16 members, 12 of whom were Pashtuns. Uzbeks reside not only in Afghanistan but also in the southern parts of the Soviet Union, especially in the areas of Bukhara, Samarkand, and Tashkent. Many Uzbeks living in Afghanistan at the time of the Soviet intervention were originally from the Soviet Union but had fled to Afghanistan shortly after the Russian Revolution or in subsequent years to escape Soviet government control.

Some Uzbeks are agriculturalists, while others practice crafts or are tradesmen. In the recent past some Uzbeks have migrated to the city and have received university educations. Although Beattie's definition of ethnicity includes patrilineal descent, in areas of the country where tribal organization is unimportant or absent, such as among Uzbeks in north-central Afghanistan, residence tends to determine ethnicity. If, for example, an Uzbek family moves to a Tajik or Aymaq area, it may assume the ethnic identity of its neighbors. In other parts of the country, Uzbek ethnic and tribal affiliations are more important. Audrey C. Shalinsky, an ethnologist who studied Uzbeks who had migrated from the Soviet Union to Konduz, found that patrilineal descent was extremely important to Pashtuns in the area but not to Uzbeks. For Uzbeks marriage ties were the most important kinship expression of ethnicity. In the words of one of her Uzbek informants, "I would prefer that my sister marry one of our people, a poor man with no job for 5,000 afs. [bride-price], than a Pashtun who is rich and had attended Kabul University for 100,000 afs."

Shalinsky also found that the Uzbek language, which unlike Dari and Pashtu was not taught in school, galvanized feelings of ethnic identity. In the past, other ethnic groups had reason to fear Uzbeks, for they conducted slave raids on the Hazaras in Bamian and probably elsewhere as well. Hazaras are the largest, predominantly Shia group in the country, although some Hazaras are Sunni. Twelver Shia Hazaras occupy Hazarajat, the central mountain massif in the midsection of the country; Ismaili Hazaras are associated with the Hindu Kush. Hazaras are reportedly ranked very low in relative ethnic status. Many Hazaras immigrated to Kabul from rural areas in the second half of the twentieth century. These migrants have been very successful in keeping their ethnic identity intact, perhaps because their low status prevented other groups from marrying them. Hazaras in Kabul tend to follow the same unskilled labor occupations, so that some jobs have come to be known as Hazara occupations.

Canfield reports that among the Hazaras he studied in the Shebar region of Bamian, generosity giving to agnatic and affinal kin is highly valued. Men usually build their reputations on their generosity, although other factors are also important. These factors include possessing a good government job or being gifted at Quranic or poetry recitation. To establish a reputation or "big name," a man must be able to dispose of considerable wealth. He also notes that in the past Hazaras "seemed constantly embroiled in feuds and internecine raiding." Canfield observed the interesting phenomenon of sect changing by Hazara families, from Ismaili Shia to Twelver Shia or vice versa. These sect changes resulted from feuding within the sectarian community.

They occurred in Hazara areas that depended on rainfed land instead of irrigated fields (so that no major community cooperation was required) and where members of the other Shia sect lived in close proximity. Such "conversions" are based on political alliance. Canfield even observed one instance of a family from one of the Shia sects that converted to Sunnism. Wealthy families may ally themselves with Sunnis to win a court case. The courts, as the rest of government, are dominated by Sunnis. That religious fluidity between Shia and Sunni is rare is easily understood, given Hazara history. Under Abdur Rahman, jihad was declared against Shia Hazaras and other Shia of the area. The war between the Kabuli Sunni regime and the Hazaras of central Afghanistan was extremely violent, but it served to unite Hazaras for the first time.

Anthropologist Thomas J. Barfield conducted research among Arabs living in Konduz Province. They are pastoralists-nomads who practice transhumance and migrate from river valleys to mountains. They raise fat tailed sheep for most of their subsistence, but wealthier men also raise the karakul sheep that yield karakuli lambskins, for which Afghanistan is renowned. They also farm, producing cotton and wheat. The Arabs are Dari speakers, although they identify themselves as Arabs. Historically, the Central Asian Arabs lived within the old Bukhara khanate and in the plains in the north of that part of Turkestan that lies within Afghanistan. Barfield also relates that these Arabs have not had any contact with Middle Eastern Arabs since the time of Timur (Tamerlane). Most Arabs view geneologies as unimportant; nonetheless, they possess 13 clans (taifa). Kirghiz living in the Pamir Mountains of the Wakhan Corridor were the subject of anthropologist M. Nazif Shahrani's research, as well as a studv conducted by Andre Singer, an anthropologist who worked for British television. In 1985 there may well have been no Kirghiz remaining in the Pamirs, so that only their lives before the Soviet occupation may be described.

About 3,000 Kirghiz lived in the Pamirs, practicing highaltitude pastoralism. Kirghiz kept fat?tailed sheep, yaks, goats, camels, and horses. As citizens of Badakhshan Province, the Kirghiz inhabited one of the most remote areas of the country, with no roads that were open year?round. Because of the very high altitude, Kirghiz had to adapt to a fearsome climate. They managed this in a variety of ways, including ingenious housing styles and multilayered clothing. Kirghiz possessed two kinds of houses. Traditionally they lived in yurts, which are a kind of Central Asian round tent that can be heated with a fire to produce a very comfortable refuge from the cold. Wealthier Kirghiz might build a stone and mud house.

Patrilineages were important, and Kirghiz often married within lineage groups. Wealthy Kirghiz men might practice polygyny. They also followed levirate marriage customs, i.e., a widow who had borne at least one child was entitled to a husband from the same lineage as her deceased spouse. Contrary to sharia, women traditionally did not inherit property, and sons inherited on the basis of their birth order rather than the equality prescribed by Islam. Although lineages might have elders, the Kirghiz khan served as judge, mediator, and political and economic leader. Lineage elders contributed their opinions, to which the khan listened before arriving at important decisions.

Nuristanis in eastern Nuristan in Konarha Province practice a mixed economy of agriculture and pastoralism in the mountains and less fertile valleys. Strand worked with the Kom tribe of Nuristanis, which he describes as having the reputation for being the "wildest" Nuristani tribe. It was among the Nuristanis, including the Kom, that the first rebellion against the Marxist regime occurred (well before the Soviet military presence).