Conflicts In The North East

The seven states in the geographically isolated and economically underdeveloped North-East are home to 200 of the 430 tribal groups in India. An influx of migrants from neighbouring areas has led to ethnic conflicts over land and fighting for political autonomy or secession. Several political and/or armed insurgent groups have been formed, many of which resort to "ethnic cleansing" in order to defend their interests against a real or perceived ethnic enemy. Violence has broken out in the states of Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh, involving at least eight different ethnic groups (Bodos, Nagas, Kukis, Paites, Mizos, Reangs, Bengalis and Chakmas).

Why is north-eastern India so restive?
Before the British, none of the previous empires in India had managed to control the remote north-eastern areas.
So the region had enjoyed a long history of independence. There are also sharp differences in culture and tradition with the rest of the country.

Separatists in Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and Assam have tapped into these differences and been able to challenge the control of the Indian state.

The central government has used military force to quell these rebellions, which in turn has often provoked more violence.
Recent years have seen the growth of conflicting demands for independent homelands between various ethnic groups in the region, which have also resulted in much bloodshed.

How serious is the violence?
Very - particularly the violence between the various ethnic militias of the region, into which innocent villagers and non-combatants have often been drawn.

Violence unleashed by ethnic rebel armies against the settlers from outside the region has also assumed serious proportions.

How is the central government trying to end the violence?
It uses military force to try to contain the rebels and weaken them. But Indian military commanders admit that only political solutions can resolve the many conflicts.

The Indian government has opened dialogues with many of these groups and correspondents say its attitude is more flexible than in the past.

Its basic position is that the various rebel groups have to accept Indian sovereignty over the region and give up violence.

The central government also pumps in a lot of federal funds to promote economic development that is seen as crucial to win the hearts and minds of the locals. But local people complain that lot of these funds are pilfered by a corrupt local elite in collusion with unscrupulous contractors and businessmen resulting in a lack of development.

The Bengalis

Tripura has a 865-kilometer-long border with Bangladesh and the partition of Bengal in 1947 opened the floodgates of an influx of refugees from East Bengal that forever changed the demography of the erstwhile princely kingdom.

In the early twentieth century, the tribal population, divided over nineteen tribes, accounted for close to 53 percent of the population. The steady migration of Bengali refugees into during the 40s decreased the tribal population to 37 percent. By 1991, the share in the population had come down to 31 percent. This demographic change paved the way for a fierce ethnic conflict that has ravaged the tiny state for the past two decades.

Bengali migrants into Tripura have predominantly been cultivators practicing relatively advanced patterns of agriculture, compared to the jhum (shifting cultivation) of the indigenous people, and the tribes progressively lost control of their traditional lands. The cause of the Locals was taken up by Communist Party of India (CPI) and later by the Communist Party of India–Marxist (CPI–M). Leftist politics has always been strong in the state and several governments have been controlled by the CPI–M, which has a big following among tribals in their struggle for land. The Left Front governments were instrumental in creating the Tripura Tribal Areas where tribal culture and economic rights are protected from nontribal domination.

The strong showing of the CPI–M in elections coincided with the emergence of the Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) in June 1967, based on a brand of virulent ethnic politics. The TUJS raised the demand of autonomous district councils for tribals, the introduction of the local language (Kok Borok) as the medium of instruction for tribal students, and the restoration of alienated tribal lands. A Bengali communal organization, Amar Bangla (We Are Bengalis) came into being to counter the TUJS campaign. After the Tribal Areas Autonomous District Act of 1979 was passed by the CPI–M government, May 1979 and June 1980 saw two waves of vicious ethnic rioting between the TNV (Tripura National Volunteers, established in 1978) and Amar Bangla activists. An estimated 1,800 people lost their lives and thousands of dwellings were burnt before the situation was brought under control after the army intervened in June 1980. This phase of the insurgency ended in August 1988, when Hrangkhawal, the TNV leader, signed a tripartite peace accord with the Union Home Ministry and the new Tripura government shortly after the defeat of the Left Front government.

The Congress-TUJS coalition government had taken over after elections. The apparent return to normalcy was short-lived. The next elections of 1993 and 1998, as well as the 2002 by-election to the national parliament, were again won by the CPI–M and the violent campaign reemerged.
There has been a substantial proliferation of terrorist factions in the state in the closing years of the twentieth century. Over thirty militant organizations are reported to be operating at various levels, and on a variety of "ideological" platforms, but most of them are just irregular criminal gangs, or are dormant. The National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), with a strong Christian fundamentalist orientation, and the All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF), a radical group controlled by leaders from the Debbarma tribe, are responsible for most militant activities.

The civil population has been the main victim of terrorist activities. Tribal radicals specifically target the nontribal population, whom they call "settler refugees." NLFT has openly assaulted Bengalis and tribals who reportedly do not profess allegiance to the church. The level of violence is also heightened by the emergence of militant Bengali organization Amar Bangla and the newly formed United Bengal Liberation Front (UBLF).

Ethnic insurgency spilled over to the neighbouring state of Assam in 1979. Middle-class students in the All Assam Students Union (AASU) took the initiative against illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They were soon joined by the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) under the leadership of Paresh Baruah, for whom the secession from India was the main objective . The ULFA operated in close coordination with the AASU until the agitation ended in August 1985.

After the Assam Accord, which was signed with the union government in New Delhi and which agreed on the identification of illegal migrants, AASU leaders formed the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and rode to victory in the state assembly elections. The ULFA refused to submit to the new government and continued with its terrorist acts of arson and killings. When the AGP government was not in a position to maintain law and order, the state was brought under direct control of the union government (Presidents Rule) in November 1990. The Indian army, in between elections, conducted a series of military operations. The newly elected Indian National Congress government then suspended army operations and announced an amnesty for the militants. Within one year, some 4,000 ULFA militants surrendered to the authorities. Counterinsurgency operations forced the ULFA to go into exile in Bhutan and Bangladesh.

The Nagas

The Nagas are a group of more than 40 fierce, freedom loving, warring tribes of a distinct Sino-Mongoloid stock inhabiting the hills of North-Eastern India (states of Nagaland,Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh), and Eastern Myanmar. They are ethnically and racially different from the mainland Indians of Dravidian and Aryan groups. Today, the Nagas number about 3 million in population.

It is generally accepted that the Nagas are the coming together of tribes originating in China. These tribes came to their present homeland in waves of migration. Although it is indisputable that they share a common root, their exact origin is shrouded in mystery. They are the first settlers of the virgin land, the indegeneous people of the place and had lived in their own sovereign territory from time immemorial without any outside interferences.

In the early 19th century when the British came to colonize the Nagas, they put up a strong resistance. However, with superior weapons and organisation the British slowly began to take over Naga lands. By 1866, the British had added a new district to their empire known as the Naga Hill District. In the decades that followed, the British divided the Naga lands into different administrative units under two nations - India and Burma. Within India, they were further divided into smaller administrave units by several boundaries. All this was done without the consultation or consent of the Nagas.

On the eve of British withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent, there was great political upheaval among the Nagas. The most notable was the emergence of the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946. The Nagas were determined not to be ruled by other nations. Representations and memorandums were sent to the British in this regard. They eventually declared their independence on August 14th, 1947, a day ahead of the Indian Independence.

After the British left, there was serious conflict between the Nagas and the newly independent Union of India. The Indian army was sent in during the 50's.

The National Council of Nagaland has been negotiating with the central government for six years now. In April 2001, a decision by the central government to extend a five-year old cease-fire agreement to all Naga areas in the North-East was met with violent protests in Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh. The cease-fire agreement was seen as a step towards the establishment of a greater Naga state which could infringe on the territory of the neighbouring states.

The Naga issue is an extremely complex one. To solve this issue, India, Myanmar and the Nagas must fully understand the complexities that lie behind the movement. The ongoing talks between India and the NSCN has given a new ray of hope for peace.