| Ethnic
Groups in Sri Lanka and Their Origins |
The origins of the Sinhalese, according to the historical
chronicles, Mahawansa and Thupawansa, can be traced
back to the early Aryan Period of Rig Vedic Janapadas
in northern India. At that time, Prince Vijaya, exiled
from a Janapada in northern India, migrated to Sri
Lanka and started the Sinhala Janapada in the north
of the country.
The Tamils of Sri Lanka have their origins rooted
in the Dravidians of southern India, who migrated
to Sri Lanka from time to time. They introduced southern
Indian cultural patterns into Sri Lankan society and
are located largely in the northern and eastern parts
of the country. A second wave of the Dravidian population
and their cultural traits came into the country when,
in the middle of the nineteenth century, the British
imported Tamils to work on the newly founded plantations
in the central parts of the country. The latter now
form a segment of the naturalized population located
in the central highlands of Sri Lanka.
The origins of the Moors in Sri Lanka can be traced
back to the early Anuradhapura period, when Arabian
traders migrated to Sri Lanka and became the forefathers
of the Moor Islamic culture. Those ancient Arab traders,
called Yavanas or Yonas, are referred to in the Mahawansa.
The Moor settlements as well as the pre-Moor Arabian
settlements, were initially located around the ports
of Sri Lanka.
At a later stage, other groups of Moors migrated
to Sri Lanka from the Malabar coast of India and settled
largely in the south-western quadrant of the island.
Census data pertaining to recent geographical locations
of Sri Lankan Moors show that they comprise a substantial
proportion of the population in the districts of Colombo,
Mannar, Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Kurunegala. Moor
culture, as much as the cultures of other
ethnic communities in the country, has an ancient
history and is woven into the cultural fabric of Sri
Lanka.
The Malays, who arrived at a later stage in Sri
Lankan history, have close connections with the Moors.
Their origin can be traced back to Java; they are
followers of Islam and are distributed throughout
the island. The origins of the Burghers can be traced
back to Western rule by the Portuguese and Dutch from
the fifteenth to the eighteenth century. They are
largely descendants of the civil and military employees
of the former Western rulers.
Ethnic
Groups: Their Relative Sizes |
The
two groups that comprise the Sinhalese population,
that is, the low-country Sinhalese and the Kandyan
Sinhalese, accounted for nearly 74 per cent of the
total population in 1981. In 1881, the Sinhalese accounted
for approximately 67 per cent of the total population.
During the subsequent 100 years, the Sinhalese community
increased by 7 percentage points. In the twentieth
century, their proportionate share in the total population
increased from 65 per cent in 1901 to 74 per cent
in 1981.
The
proportionate share of the Tamil community (both Sri
Lankan and Indian) in the total population showed
only a slight decline of 0.8 of a percentage point
during the final decade of the nineteenth century.
Nevertheless, the percentage share of the community
had increased to 27 per cent by the beginning of the
twentieth century. Subsequently, the proportionate
share of the Tamil population declined to 18 per cent,
according to the 1981 census.
In the final decade of the nineteenth century, the
Moor population comprised about 7 per cent of the
total population. However, the proportionate share
of this ethnic group declined to 6.4 per cent in the
first quarter of the twentieth century. From 1946
to 1981, the proportion of the Moor community in the
total population increased from 6.1 to 7.1 per cent.
By 1971, the Moors formed the fourth largest ethnic
group in the country.
Calculations
based on the census data show that between 1946
and 1971 there was an overall population increase
of 121.7 per cent in the Sri Lankan Moor community
while during the same period the overall increase
for the Sinhalese population was 97.6 per cent.
The rate of population increase among the Sri
Lankan Tamils during the same period was 94.1
per cent, although from 1911 to 1953 a steady
growth in the Sri Lankan Tamil and Indian Tamil
communities had been observed. Of the two ethnic
groups, the Indian Tamils was the largest at
that time. Nonetheless, between 1963 and 1971,
Sri Lankan Tamils outnumbered Indian Tamils. |
 |
The
1911-1971 inter-censual increase in the Malay population
was relatively moderate. For example, from 1911 to
1946, the increase was in the region of 73.2 per cent,
while from 1946 to 1971 it amounted to 93.1 per cent,
showing that the inter-censual increase had been on
the rise. Between 1911 and 1946, the inter-censual
rate of increase among the Burghers amounted to 57.2
per cent, while subsequent censuses up until 1971
revealed a decreasing rate.
That
trend was substantiated by a very sharp drop in the
rate to 8.2 per cent in 1971. Malays comprised 0.3
per cent of the total population in the 1981 census.
Despite being a minority, Malays have a stronger footing
because they are aligned to the Moor community through
the Islamic faith.
Caste
Among The Sinhalese |
|
The
majority caste among the Singhalese population
is the Goyigama. Although the government keeps
no official statistics on caste, it appears
that the Goyigama comprise at least half the
Singhalese population. The traditional occupation
of this caste is agriculture, and most members
are still peasant farmers in villages almost
everywhere in Sri Lanka. In the Central Highlands,
some traditions of the Kingdom of Kandy survived
after its collapse in 1818, preserved in unique
forms of the caste system until the post independence
period. |
 |
There are still major differences between the caste
structures of the highlands and those of the low country,
although some service groups are common to both. The
southwest coast is home to three major castes whose
ancestors may have immigrated but who have become
important actors in the Sinhalese social system.
They are the Karava, the Durava, and the Salagama.
Of them the Karava origins (also known as Kaurava/Kshatriya)
can be traced to the Kuru Dynasty mentioned in the
'Mahabharata'. The Karava with their maritime, navigation
and trading experience were well placed to exploit
the emerging economic opportunities in the colonial
periods. By the twentieth century, members of this
caste had moved to all parts of the country, occupied
high business and academic positions, and were generally
accorded a high caste rank.. The highland interior
is home to the Vahumpura, or traditional makers of
jaggery (a sugar made from palm sap), who have spread
throughout the country in a wide variety of occupations,
especially agriculture.
In the Kandy District of the highlands live the Batgam
(or Padu), a low caste of agricultural laborers, and
the Kinnara, who were traditionally segregated from
other groups because of their menial status. Living
in all areas are service groups, such as the Hena
(Rada), traditional washermen who still dominate the
laundry trade; the Berava, traditional temple drummers
who work as cultivators in many villages; and the
Navandanna (Acari), traditional artisans. In rural
environments, the village blacksmith or washerman
may still belong to the old occupational caste groups,
but accelerating social mobility and the growing obsolescence
of the old services are slowly eroding the link between
caste and occupation.
The
caste system of the Sri Lankan Tamils resembles
the system of the Sinhalese, but the individual
Tamil castes differ from the Sinhalese castes.
The majority Tamil caste, constituting well
over 50 percent of the Tamil population, are
the Vellala. Like the Goyigama, members are
primarily cultivators. Today the Vellala still
comprised a large portion of the Tamil urban
middle class, although many well-off families
retain interests in agricultural land. High
in the Tamil caste system, are the Karaiya.
|
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Like the Sinhalese Karava, they branched out into commercial
ventures, raising their economic and ritual position
during the nineteenth century. The Chetti, a group of
merchant castes, also have a high ritual position. In
the middle of the caste hierarchy is a group of numerically
small artisan castes, and at the bottom of the system
are more numerous laboring castes, including the Palla,
associated with agricultural work.
Caste
Interactions in Daily Life |
The
divisions between the castes are reaffirmed
on a daily basis, especially in rural areas,
by many forms of language and etiquette. Each
caste uses different personal names and many
use slightly different forms of speech, so it
is often possible for people to determine someone's
caste as soon as the person begins speaking.
Persons of lower rank behave politely by addressing
their superiors with honorable formulas and
by removing their headgear.
A standard furnishing in upper caste rural houses
is a low stool (kolamba), provided so that members
of lower castes may take a lower seat while
visiting. |
 |
Villages are divided into separate streets or neighborhoods
according to caste, and the lowest orders may live
in separate hamlets. In times past, low-caste persons
of both sexes were prohibited from covering their
upper bodies, riding in cars, or building large homes.
These most offensive forms of discrimination were
eliminated by the twentieth century after extensive
agitation.
Outside the home, most social interactions take place
without reference to caste. In villages, business
offices, and factories, members of different groups
work together, talking and joking freely, without
feeling uncomfortable about their caste inequalities.
The modern urban environment makes excessive concern
about caste niceties impossible; all kinds of people
squeeze onto buses with few worries about intimate
personal contact. Employment, health, and educational
opportunities are officially open to all, without
prejudice based on caste. In urban slums, the general
breakdown of social organization among the destitute
allows a wide range of intercaste relationships. Despite
the near invisibility of caste in public life, castebased
factions exist in all modern institutions, including
political parties, and when it comes to marriage--the
true test of adherence to ritual purity--the overwhelming
majority of unions occur between members of the same
caste.
The
story of the Rodi: Sri Lanka's`untouchables' |
No Sinhalese caste has aroused so much wonder and
curiosity as the Rodi once the `untouchables' of Sri
Lanka.
Indeed there is something mysterious about this people
who claim descent from Sinhalese royalty but who have
for centuries been despised and down trodden by society.
Theirs is a very sad story indeed and their plight
a yet sadder one. It is only today that this folk
are emerging to take their due place in society after
centuries of oppression thanks to the progressive
legislation and social welfare policies of successive
governments since independence.
Rodi legend holds that they are descended from Ratnavalli
(also known as Navaratna Valli) the daughter of King
Parakrama Bahu 1 (12th century).
About 100 years ago Hugh Nevill, a prominent British
civil servant recorded the following tradition current
among the Rodi as to their origins:
`At Parakrama Bahu's court the venison was provided
by a certain Veddha archer. Who during a scarcity
of game substituted the flesh of a boy he met in the
jungle and provided it as venison for the royal household.
Navaratna Valli, the beautiful daughter of the king
discovered the deception and fascinated by a sudden
longing for human flesh ordered the Veddha hunter
to bring this flesh. The Veddha accordingly waylaid
youths in the woods, and disposed of their flesh to
the royal kitchen. The whole country was terrified
by the constant disappearance of youths and maidens.
It happened that a barber who came to the palace to
complain of the disappearance of his only son while
waiting was given by the servants of the royal scullery
a leaf of rice and venison curry.
Just as he was about to eat he noticed on his leaf
the deformed knuckle of the little finger of a boy.
Recognizing it by the deformity as that of his son
he fled from the palace and spread the alarm that
the king was killing and eating the youths of the
city.
The facts then came to light and the king stripping
his daughter of her ornaments and calling out a scavenger
then sweeping out a neighbouring yard gave her to
him as wife and drove her out to earn her living in
her husband's class.'
Somewhat different is the original legend narrated
by Robert Knox in his `Historical Relation of Ceylon'
(1681).
Says Knox `The predecessors of these people from whom
they sprang were Dodda Veddhas which signifies hunters:
to whom it did belong to catch and bring venison for
the king's table.
But instead of venison they brought man's flesh. Unknown;
which the king liking so well commanded to bring him
more of the same sort of venison. The king's barber
chanced to know what flesh it was and disclosed it
to him. At which the king was so enraged that he accounted
death too good for them; and to punish only those
persons that had so offended not a sufficient recompense
for so great an affront and injury as he had sustained
by them. Forthwith therefore he established a decree
that both great and small that were of that rank or
tribe should be expelled from dwelling among the inhabitants
of the land and not to be admitted to use or enjoy
the benefit of any means or ways or callings whatsoever
to provide themselves sustenance; but what they should
beg from generation to generation from door to door,
through the kingdom, and to be looked upon and esteemed
by all people to be so base and odious as not possibly
to be more.' Many were the restrictions placed on
the Rodi during the Kandyan period.
Says Knox: `And they are to this day so detestable
to the people that they are not permitted to fetch
water out of their wells; but do take their water
out of holes or rivers. Neither will any touch them
lest they should be defiled.' Until fairly recent
times till about 100 years ago this was still true
of the Rodi in the Kandyan areas.
During Kandyan times both Rodi men and women were
compelled to go bare-bodied and forced to reside in
separate hamlets known as kuppayam. Their rajakariya
(duties to the state) included the supply of rope
made of animal hide for trapping wild beasts. During
Knox's time the primary occupation of the Rodi was
mendicancy and hardly anyone refused them. In more
recent times the folk were given to professional entertainment.
The women would sing hymns in praise of their legendary
ancestress Ratnavalli and spin brass plates while
the men played a one-sided drum known as Bum-mendiya.
Rodi women are renowned for their extreme beauty
and this may perhaps be explained by the following
statement of Knox:
`Many times when the king (i.e. Rajasinghe II) cuts
off great and noble men against whom he is highly
incensed he will deliver their daughters and wives
unto this sort of people reckoning it as they also
account it to be far worse a punishment than any kind
of death.'
Constant intercourse with the women of the Kandyan
nobility may well account for the aristocratic looks
and stately carriage of Rodi women to this day though
the same cannot be said of their menfolk. This may
perhaps also explain the claims of the Rodi to royal
status.
M.D. Raghavan (Handsome Beggars. The Rodiyas of Ceylon.
1957) believes that the Rodi are descended from totemistic
eastern Indian aboriginal hunting tribes who came
to Sri Lanka along with the sacred Bo-sapling (today
the Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura) about 2000 years
ago. Raghavan connects the term Rodi to the Palli
rudda (Sanskrit. rudra) meaning hunter.
As for their outcaste and untouchable status Raghavan
has an explanation that is worthy of consideration.
He believes that the ancestors of the Rodi were worshippers
of the `Black Goddess' Kali whose cult of human sacrifice
was prevalent in eastern India until fairly recent
times. He is of the view that in former times the
Rodi too were given to human sacrifice as may be gleaned
from the invocatory hymns sung by Rodi women to their
legendary ancestress.
`The name Ratna-tilaka-valli befits you; with rituals
awe-inspiring I propitiate you. And you whose twentieth
year has passed you shall not go without the taste
of flesh.'
Another verse attributed to Ratnavalli says `prosperity
do I bring you with blood flowing like the river waters
' while yet another verse refers to Ratnavalli as
one `who wears the fearsome strings of coral `which
Raghavan says is `the garland of human skulls round
the neck of the awe-inspiring Kali.' In India statues
of Kali are traditionally depicted with a garland
of human skulls.
Added
to all this, the tales of cannibalism attributed
to Princess Ratnavalli in the traditions of
the Rodi themselves also support this theory.
As for their outcaste status Raghavan notes:
`That a form of worship in which human offerings
formed the essential ritual would have been
anathema to the Buddhist way of life goes without
saying; and it needs no stretch of imagination
that any class of people in whom the cult prevailed
or survived even in an attenuated form would
have been pronounced by the sangha (i.e. the
Buddhist clergy) as exiles from the social order.'
|
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Another indication that the Rodi were originally
a nation apart from the Sinhalese is their distinct
language which savours of a tribal origin.
The language which is neither Indo-Aryan (like Sinhala)
nor Dravidian (like Tamil) has been connected to the
Austro Asiatic group of languages spoken by the aboriginal
Munda tribes of eastern India.
Raghavan believes the language to be connected to
the Munda language spoken to this day by primitive
tribes in Orissa and Bihar.
In the olden days, the Rodi chieftain was known as
Hula-valiya (lit.torch-bearer) which Raghavan believes
is `a traditional institution from the days when the
Rodiya was a tribe of hunters.'
Unlike in the olden days, today Rodi have lost their
sense of clanishness.
In former times, the Rodi in the Vanni regions were
divided into 12 exogamous clans (eg: Mahappola Vapolla
and Alpaga) while those in other areas also had distinct
clan identities. The Rodi are found concentrated in
the up-country areas (the former Kandyan kingdom)
especially in the central north western Uva and Sabaragamuwa
Provinces. Today they number a few thousands islandwide.
The last census which enumerated the Rodi as a separate
community was in 1911. It returned a total of 1.572
Rodi.
The traditional life-style of the Rodi is fast dwindling
though some characteristics peculiar to Rodi culture
still live on.
Rodi women are said to have enjoyed a high social
status in the past. Even to this day these enterprising
and progressive minded women are said to dominate
domestic life.
They commonly arrange the marriages of their children
and earn a considerable income from entertainment
and agriculture. The allure of the charming Rodi girls
have captivated the hearts of many an `upper caste'
youth.
A modern day Sinhalese poet thus sings the charms
of a Rodi girl
Fair of face like the full blown lotus
Thy rosy lips match the red lilies
Thine eyes blue as the induvara flower
With swelling swanlike breasts;
Shine resplendent the livelong day,
Rodi girl; the full moon over Ratnapura sky
Richard De Silva in his book Lamani Raja Kulaya has
sought to show the caste's royal connections. For
instance, he has attempted to show that the Lamkakarnas,
a mediaeval Sinhalese dynasty were of Durava origin.
The Sanskritic term Lamba-karna, he points out , literally
means 'long-eared' or having 'pendulous ears' and
denotes an elephant, probably on account of its sagging
ears. On this basis, he has sought to show that the
Lambakarnas were Duravas whose elephanteering tradition
is well known. He also believes that Durava folk bearing
such hereditary names as Kudakanage, Mahadaliya Manage
and Mahanam Radage are of royal origin. Kudakana,
he believes, is Kuta Kanna Tissa (1st century B.C),
Mahadaliya Mana is Maha Dathika Mahanaga (1st century
A.D.) and Mahanam Rada, King Mahanama (5th century
A.D.). De Silva has also cited such hereditary names
as Kumarage (House of the Prince) and Kumarapperumage
(House of the Prince of princes) to show that they
are of royal stock.
He is also of the view that it was the duty of Durava
folk to bear the royal sword known as the ran kaduva
or golden sword as suggested by hereditary names such
as Ran Kaduge (House of the Golden Sword), and to
bear the Ran Kota or golden spear of the King as seen
from hereditary names such as Rankotge (House of the
Golden spear). Nandanapala Cumaranatunga, a veteran
journalist and the author of Indo-Lanka Ethnic Affinities,
a comprehensive work on the Durava, has sought to
trace the lineage of prominent Durava families to
the Sinhalese royalty of the Kotte and Sitavaka Kingdoms.
For instance, he believes that the Pattamestri and
Pattamestri Rajapakse families of Chilaw and Negombo
are descended from Pattamestri Sinhala Kirti Rajapaksa,
father of King Rajasinha 1, and his kinsmen. In like
manner, he traces the kinship of the Kahatudes and
Kahatudages to Kiravelle Biso Bandara, Queen of Vijayabahu
VI, whose personal name was Anula Kahatuda.
The Timbiripolage families, he believes to be descendants
of Prince Timbiripola Adahasin, the second son of
King Mayadunne. The Tammitage families, he believes
to be connected to Tammita Bandara, brother of King
Vidiya Bandara, the ruler of Rayigama and the father
of Don Juan Dharmapala. The Diogu De Silvage Rajakarunas,
Cumaranatunga believes to be descended from Diogu
De Silva Vikramasinha, the Commander-in-chief of Mayadunne.
The Barestuge Abeysinha Gunavardanas, he believes
are descended from General Dom Theodosio Barestu,
the powerful Sinhalese rebel leader of Portuguese
times who was appointed Disava of Matara by King Senarat.
The military tradition of the Durava however seems
to have been largely forgotten. There are a good many
Durava hereditary names denoting military occupations.
This includes Hevage (House of the soldier) in such
forms as Golu Hevage, Lama Hevage, Mamu Hevage and
Punchi Hevage. Many seem to have distinguished themselves
in war and commanded high offices as seen in names
such as Ranavirage (House of the war hero) and Henanayakage
(House of the Commander-in-chief). They also had clans
of bards (Bettage), lance-bearers (Lansage), flag-bearers(Kodikarage),
gunners (Kodituvakkuge) and archers (Dunu Vidi Hevage).
Then we have family names with Vedage (House of the
physician), Guruge (House of the teacher) and Hettige
(House of the merchant).
There are also to be found family names of a religious
character such as Kovilage (House of the temple),
those denoting pastoral pursuits such as Enderage
(House of the herdsman) and those concerned with a
literary tradition such as Liyanage (House of the
scribe). Indeed, the Durava have distinguished themselves
as the literati of the Sinhalese due to their excellent
command of the Sinhala language. Among the prominent
Durava literary personalities may be included Munidasa
Kumaratunga, founder of the Hela Havula school and
Editor of Subasa, Devaraja Dampasangina, the author
of the Dalada Sirita, Malavara Kavsekara, the composer
of the Rabel Asna and the famous poetess Dona Isabel
Cornelia Senaratna Perumal alias Gajaman Nona. How
is it then that the Portuguese designated the Durava
as Chandas and labelled them as 'toddy tappers', a
designation that has stuck to this day.
Cumaranatunga thinks he has the answer. He contends
that the Duravas took to tapping toddy only because
they were the original coconut land owners of the
country. If at all they tapped toddy, it was for their
pleasure and that of their masters who were also Durava
folk, he explained. The name Chandas, he believes,
was first introduced by the Portuguese who mistook
them for the Shanars, a palmyra-tapping caste of peninsular
India. Cumaranatunga claims that the coconut plantation
from Devundara to Unavatuna planted by King Agbo 1
was entirely owned by Durava folk from very early
times. That the Durava owned the coastal coconut plantations
from Galle to Dondra could be proven by a study of
deeds, he pointed out.
Tamils
The ornaments of the females are as under specified.
Chavadi A necklace resting on the shoulders.
Attigei
A necklace set with rubies, fastened tight to the
neck.
Ulkattu
Similar
to the former but it is seldom bedecked with any precious
stones.
Tali
An
ornament which the bridegroom hangs on the neck of
the bride on the day of marriage. It consists of a
circular piece of gold, fastened either by a gold
string or a string of cotton dyed yellow with turmeric.
The Hindus engrave on it the probosis and pendant
belly of Pulleiyar and the Christians the figure of
a dove implying the decent of the deity in this form
on the occasion of out Saviour's baptism in the Jordon.
Nelie
Two
gold or silver wires twisted together somewhat like
a puzzle ring and worn above the elbow.
Kappu Kankanam
Valaiyel
Sari Kadagam. Ottiyanam: A gold or silver
girdle worn over the chela to keep it fast.
Tandei: Large convex hoops of silver within
which are enclosed little pebbles which tinkle: and
they are worn above the ankles.
Some
Sinhalese Customs and Folklore |
Mourning.
Mourning for a dead relative consists in abstaining
from wearing gold jewellery; from indulging in music
(playing on a 'rabana' is specially against mourning);
and from observing the Sinhalese New Year and participating
in the festivities associated there with.
Wearing
black is not a mode of showing grief among Sinhalese,
although some of the educated classes have adopted
it. Frying in the house where mourning is supposed
to prevail, is l against the rules of mourning, as
fried food is associated with occasions of mirth.
Smells
The
unaccountable smell of burnt flesh or of other organic
matter indicates the presence of evil spirits not
far away. The smell, under similar circumstances,
of 'pittu' made from kurakkan means that the lesser
evil spirits are abroad.
Cobras
The
average Sinhalese seldom or never kills a cobra that
might choose to make its home in his dwelling. As
to the identity of such a cobra, three theories are
advanced. It is believed to be either- (a). The re-incarnation
of a close relation who had been a former inmate of
the same house, having been at death fired with the
desire of again living there or of possessing it or
of protecting the present residents from harm, (b).
Or the guardian of treasures buried under or near
the house, or (c). A dead enemy re-born in its present
state with the intention of taking revenge.
Whatever of these beliefs they may entertain, the
inmates are careful not to show even the semblance
of offence to the unwelcome visitor, but try to placate
it by laying plates of milk at the entrance of the
hole where it lives. If they want it to leave the
place, it is always respectfully addressed - as if
it were a human being - as 'Nai-hami' - ('my lord
the cobra') and gently and apologetically requested
to find another abode on such polite excuses as that
the little children might get frightened by 'nai-hami's'
presence. The whiter a cobra is in colour, the greater
the strength of the belief in its erstwhile human
existence. In view of this 'cult of the cobra,' an
angry villager's not uncommon oath that he will come
as a cobra in his next birth and eat his adversary
is rather expressive.
Of
animals, only these reptiles enjoy the honour of a
previous existence in human shape being attributed
to them. One consequence of these beliefs is that
there prevails an almost universal dread of destroying
them. Instead they are caught at the end of a stick
with the aid of a noose, put into a sack and thrown
into an unfrequented place, thus often being the cause
of death of the inquisitive and unwary. Cobras are
supposed to guard Buddhist Temples, bo-trees, and
hidden treasures, and innumerable stories are current
in this respect. If a cobra is killed after it had
bitten a person, the chances of the patient's recovery
are said to be few. Eating. The best position in taking
meals is facing the East which brings good luck. Facing
West is also good, but the other two points of the
compass are to be avoided.
Population
by Ethnicity according to District and Sector
(Provisional) SL 2001 Census |
| District
and Sector |
Sinhalese |
Tamil |
Indian
Tamil |
Total
no. of
persons |
Colombo
Gampaha
Kalutara
Kandy
Matale
Nuwara Eliya
Galle
Matara
Hambantota
Ampara
Kurunegala
Puttalam
Anuradhapura
Polonnaruwa
Badulla
Moneragala
Ratnapura
Kegalle
|
1,707,401
1,881,854
923,893
940,963
354,985
280,236
934,381
716,780
510,063
231,771
1,332,426
520,330
677,667
324,342
558,218
374,553
873,265
667,536 |
249,915
64,450
13,527
50,405
23,982
41,445
11,596
4,791
1,957
110,180
16,991
48,689
5,064
7,185
32,230
5,579
34,335
14,163 |
26,036
7,388
28,769
106,259
23,329
359,386
8,553
16,983
243
410
2,732
2,161
517
147
141,087
7,660
78,581
45,647 |
2,234,146
2,066,096
1,060,800
1,272,463
442,427
700,083
990,539
761,236
525,370
589,344
1,452,369
705,342
746,466
359,197
774,555
396,173
1,008,164
779,774 |
| Total |
13,810,664 |
736,484 |
855,888 |
16,864,544 |
| District
and Sector |
Sri
Lanka Moor |
Burgher |
Malay |
Total
no. of
persons |
Colombo
Gampaha
Kalutara
Kandy
Matale
Nuwara Eliya
Galle
Matara
Hambantota
Ampara
Kurunegala
Puttalam
Anuradhapura
Polonnaruwa
Badulla
Moneragala
Ratnapura
Kegalle
|
203,558
80,320
92,775
168,960
38,867
17,557
35,346
22,378
5,506
245,089
97,778
131,864
61,503
27,272
40,455
8,047
20,871
51,699 |
16,138
10,274
739
2,080
419
538
276
146
114
1,008
654
668
167
62
606
113
405
209 |
19,421
12,333
706
2,210
474
600
134
97
7,385
169
1,223
666
200
34
1,390
83
245
188 |
2,234,146
2,066,096
1,060,800
1,272,463
442,427
700,083
990,539
761,236
525,370
589,344
1,452,369
705,342
746,466
359,197
774,555
396,173
1,008,164
779,774 |
| Total |
1,349,845 |
736,484 |
847,558 |
16,864,544 |
| District
and Sector |
Sri
Lanka Chetty |
Bharatha |
Other |
Total
no. of
persons |
Colombo
Gampaha
Kalutara
Kandy
Matale
Nuwara Eliya
Galle
Matara
Hambantota
Ampara
Kurunegala
Puttalam
Anuradhapura
Polonnaruwa
Badulla
Moneragala
Ratnapura
Kegalle
|
1,236
6,328
70
84
57
36
59
4
8
6
125
540
44
5
112
19
49
56 |
754
798
13
17
3
12
17
2
0
1
68
45
3
7
21
1
2
9 |
9,687
2,351
308
1,485
311
273
177
55
94
710
372
379
1,301
143
436
118
411
267 |
2,234,146
2,066,096
1,060,800
1,272,463
442,427
700,083
990,539
761,236
525,370
589,344
1,452,369
705,342
746,466
359,197
774,555
396,173
1,008,164
779,774 |
| Total |
8,838 |
1,773 |
18,878 |
16,864,544 |
